Feb 21, 2016

(ቪዲዮ) ፎረም 65፦ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ንቅናቄና ብሄራዊ መግባባት

ውይይት፦

1ኛ፡ የኦሮሞ ተቃውሞ ወደ ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ እየተቀየረ ነው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ንቅናቄ ለብሄራዊ መግባባት ምን አይነት እንድምታ አለው? ወዴትስ እየሄደ ነው?

2ኛ፡ አቶ ጌታቸው ረዳ ካሳ መክፍልን አንስቷል። ካሳ መክፈል መፍትሄ እንዴት እናየዋለን።


Feb 7, 2016

Reconciliation is the key to the violence in Gambella - SMNE Press Release

The only way to end escalating ethnic violence in Ethiopia is through genuine reconciliation and the restoration of justice to all. Will the government of Ethiopia help or hinder the process?

Washington, DC - Over the last week, deadly violence between the Nuer and the Anuak of Gambella has broken out, resulting in the senseless loss of lives. It started as an argument between an Anuak and an Nuer, but it triggered ethnic tensions, which have now exploded into revenge killings, destruction and insecurity.

Now, many are suffering as it has caused great distress, pain and sorrow to both the Anuak and the Nuer who have lost loved ones. We give our deepest sympathy for the loss of these precious lives to those families, friends and communities who are grieving their deaths. We also express concern for those who have been wounded and for countless others, both Nuer and Anuak, who are now living under great stress and hardship as they have fled their homes to find safety from the violence and conflict. We condemn all violence and call on all parties involved to immediately stop the killing and destruction so that peace might return to the people of Gambella.

It is critically important to seek lasting solutions before the tensions and violence escálate further; something that will cause more deaths, injuries, loss of livelihoods, greater destruction, the destabilization of the region or even the violence to spread to other parts of the country. We are not seeking the status quo in Gambella, nor in Ethiopia; but instead, the reconciliation and corrective actions necessary to bring about meaningful and sustainable solutions to the pervasive injustice, human rights violations, corruption and lack of freedom throughout the country.

Background:

Many details surrounding the tragic ethnic clashes in Gambella have been fairly well established; however, additional information is emerging daily, if not hourly, as the situation is further clarified and as new reports emerge. Some of these reports may also vary to some degree, pointing to the very real need to corroborate the narratives and to integrate those proving to be reliable. Eventually, a more thorough investigation of the incidents and its root causes will be required.

The first reported incident of violence resulted from a dispute over land between a Nuer man who is the Deputy Dean of the Teachers Training Institute (TTI)— now called Gambella University—and an Anuak man who is the driver for the Deputy (Vice) President of the region, second in command under the Governor of the regional state of Gambella, Gatluak Tut, a Nuer.

Reportedly, the Anuak man, who was the Deputy President’s driver, had legally leased the land a few months ago, with plans to eventually build a home on it. The borders of the land had been demarcated and he held clear title to it; given to him by the government authorities. Recently, the Nuer man from Gambella University, decided he wanted that same land. The Anuak man told him you cannot take the land because he had the legal rights to it. Allegedly, the other man said he would like to see the boundaries of the land so they both agreed to meet there. After showing him the boundaries, the Nuer man told the other man he wanted the land, starting an argument that escalated into anger. The Anuak man told the other to get off the land. The Nuer man pulled out a pistol which he was carrying and shot the Anuak man in the arm. He then got into his car and left. People in the vicinity took the man to the hospital where he recovered. Allegedly, after some pressure, the Nuer man turned himself over to the authorities and was put in jail in Gambella town.

News of the incident quickly spread, including to the college, where Anuak students started to argue about it; asking, how could the Vice President of the college shoot someone for this? As they talked, anger increased, leading to an argument between the Nuer and Anuak college students. It resulted in a physical fight between them. A number of the students were injured, both Anuak and Nuer; however, one of the Nuer students was seriously injured. He was taken to the hospital where he later died.
Several days after the burial of the Nuer student, another incident of vengeance took place at the college.  While students were taking an exam, the brother of the deceased Nuer student entered the classroom and threw a hand grenade at the students, seriously injuring at least four of them. One of them lost his arm, another his eye and the other two were injured by the exploding shrapnel. Others in the classroom had more minor shrapnel injuries.

In retaliation, the Anuak students started throwing rocks at the Nuer students; again triggering more ethnic-based fighting. Fortunately, the local school security quickly contained the violence and the school was shut down. However, later on in the afternoon, this news spread to other Nuer— who were not students, but adults— who responded with more violence. When they heard of what had happened, they organized themselves and attacked two Anuak neighborhoods where they burned down homes and shot at the people as they ran from their homes. Five Anuak were killed; a number of others were wounded. The regional government authorities did not intervene to stop it; despite the fact it could have helped contain the violence that continued to escalate.

This incident begs the question as to why a group of people would organize to destroy the homes of innocent persons and randomly shoot at them, targeting them only for their ethnicity, as they fled their homes? Why did they have guns in a region where the Anuak had been disarmed years ago? 
The news of the Anuak killings and burning of homes swept through the region, causing the Anuak to take revenge against innocent Nuer; who again, had not done anything wrong except for the fact they were Nuer. In this case, three Nuer were killed in a rural area. One of these incidents occurred when a Nuer man, the second in command of the work of the Road Authority was stopped by Anuak who forced him out of the car and killed him. The highlander, who was the driver, was not harmed.

After this incident, the federal government decided to disarm the Nuer and the Anuak security officials, who had been appointed to help the local police force. Most of the local police were also disarmed.  Guards at the Gambella jail were exempted from this. Additionally, despite the disarmament of many, some of the Nuer continued to have access to guns due to the numbers of weapons brought to Ethiopia from South Sudan by those in the refugee camps.  

In an attempt to stop the spiraling violence in Gambella town, the federal government placed restrictions on the movement of the people, ordering that each stay in their own areas, the Nuer on one side and the Anuak on the other. However, on Sunday, January 31, 2016, some Nuer with guns, with the assistance of the guards, stormed Gambella jail, releasing the Nuer Vice Deputy of the College who was being held there and proceeded to kill seven of the Anuak prisoners as well as two highlanders, with help from the guards. Most every Nuer being held in the jail was also released. This is the main jail in the Gambella region.

Where else could such a crime be carried out except in a place where there is no rule of law? Apparently, after they stormed the prison and killed the prisoners, they replaced the Ethiopian flag outside the jail with a Southern Sudanese flag, but some others within their ranks, took it down right away, probably realizing how dangerously provocative it could become. Yet, because it was witnessed by others in the vicinity, the story has spread.

We have heard reports, not yet corroborated, that some innocent Nuer were murdered by Anuak in retaliation for other deaths; however, we do not know the details surrounding these incidents, but are seeking more information. We hope those who know more will provide that information as we must seek to protect the lives of all people, regardless of ethnicity or other differences. This is God’s universal law, which is higher than any other and should help us to seek the truth and to do right— even in the absence of the rule of law.

The federal government finally realized they needed to bring in more national defense forces as the situation was getting increasingly out of control, especially in the rural areas. There is talk that a good number of Nuer are being killed in Anuak areas and of Anuak being killed in Nuer areas.
One incident involved three Anuak who were waiting for the bus in village of Nyniang to go to Gambella town when they were killed by Nuer. Two of them were civilians and the other was a security official who had been disarmed. The Nuer have other incidents to add. It has become obvious that there is a risk to all. In Gambella town, the Anuak cannot safely go to the Nuer area and Nuer cannot go safely to the Anuak area; dividing the town. Tensions are extremely high.
Those perpetrating these crimes should be held accountable, but a large share of the blame is also on the shoulders of the ruling one-party, ethnic-based Government of Ethiopia (GoE). There are a number of reasons for this:

The lack of an effective rule of law or at the least, the failure to intervene earlier, when the conflict first broke out, could have stopped the violence from escalating, saving many lives and preventing the destruction that is now recycling and is at a stage that is much more difficult to contain
The GoE’s policies of fomenting ethnic division as a means to prevent unity among Ethiopians— a unity that could threaten the authoritarian government of the TPLF/EPRDF— has created the seeds of ethnic hostility that can easily erupt under certain conditions; not only in Gambella, but in many other places across the country.

The GoE has failed to disarm the incoming South Sudanese refugees, coming from a war zone across an open border. Refugees can be seen walking freely in the region, carrying heavy-duty weapons like M-16 or AK-47 guns; yet, the GoE has failed to exert controls on this incoming flow of weapons to the region.

The GoE disarmed the Anuak prior to the massacre of Anuak in December of 2003, making them highly vulnerable and dependent on the GoE for protection, which has not been given.

The GoE has failed to give local representation in the regional government to the Anuak. In some cases, the local Nuer have also been excluded from access to the same; instead, some of the refugees have now taken government positions within the regional government. This is the case despite the lack of citizenship and their inability to speak Amharic. Some go to their offices wearing a South Sudanese pin attached to the lapels of their jackets.

The GoE has allowed the UN to use the region to house over 541,437 refugees, exceeding the population of Gambella, but they have never consulted with the people of Gambella regarding the local impact, seeming not to care. Although refugees are not supposed to carry guns; the UN is doing nothing to stop this, becoming part of the problem.

Recommendations:

The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) is prepared to take a role in this effort, strongly believing the problem must be addressed before it worsens. We in the SMNE strongly condemn the killing of all the people, whether Anuak, Nuer, highlanders or others. The SMNE will do our best to draw attention to this volatile and fragile situation in southwestern Ethiopia, utilizing our experience, knowledge and network to help restore peace and calm.

We call on the Nuer and Anuak elders in these communities, their religious leaders and other leaders among them to find a peaceful solution.

We call on the GoE to bring those who committed the crimes to justice and to provide protection from harm to all the people, based on their humanity. We also call on them to improve security by disarming the refugees and establishing checkpoints of entry to better ensure that guns will not flow into the region.

We call on the all the people of Ethiopia to not allow the people of South Sudan to import the conflict of ethnic violence to Ethiopia to the best of their ability. Instead, where there are other issues and grievances, civil discourse to find solutions should be pursued rather than the use of violence. Solutions for land and other conflicts in South Sudan should be justly resolved so that the people of South Sudan can live peacefully together. The Nuer of South Sudan should understand that Gambella is in another sovereign country and the erection of the flag of South Sudan within the boundaries of Ethiopia could be considered a violation of the sovereignty of Ethiopia.

We call on donor countries to use their leverage to exert pressure on the Ethiopian government to: 1) protect their citizens, 2) call for the UN to play a positive role in ensuring the conflict in South Sudan is confronted more effectively among the refugees so the region is not at destabilized with ethnic-based violence, the overflow of guns and the expansion of the problems in South Sudan to Gambella and beyond.

We call on the regional and federal government to act impartially; not representing the interests of one ethnicity, but with equal protection, justice and fairness towards all of the people of the region. The refugees should not be allowed to destabilize the area, even if it requires placing restrictions on their movement outside the camps— at least until peace is restored.

We call on SPLM-IO leader, Riek Machar, to control and contain any of his supporters and soldiers who may have contributed in any way to this ethnic-based conflict so that the deadly conflict of South Sudan does not cross the border into Gambella. The basis of this recommendation is from alleged reports that soldiers responsible for killing Anuak and destroying their homes in Itang, when captured by Ethiopian National Defense forces, allegedly were wearing South Sudanese uniforms, with some claiming allegiance to the SPLM-IO.

We call on the UN and members of the international community to move the refugee camps to a different inland part of Ethiopia that does not border on South Sudan if the UN and GoE fail in their efforts to provide more effective border security and to control the influx of guns. The current open border creates an ongoing risk of violence and instability to the region due to the ease of going back and forth between countries, a situation that allows for the free flow of both guns and conflict if not addressed immediately.

We call on SPLM leader, President Salva Kiir, and SPLM-IO leader, Riek Machar, and those who support them, to genuinely seek the implementation of the peace agreement so peace, justice and reconciliation can come to precious people of South Sudan; and so the fruit of such peace overflows across its borders to contribute to peace and prosperity of all in the Horn of Africa. May others do the same for them.

Conclusions:

What started as a dispute among two people has now exploded into revenge killings due to a failure to see the humanity of others. Instead of holding the perpetrators responsible for the crimes— because there is no rule of law— people have taken the law into their own hands. In the case of Gambella, revenge is being taken against innocent parties— another family member or someone of the same ethnicity. This is a tragedy that causes evil to prosper and mutual destruction. It has caused much blood to be shed, the destruction of homes, and a surge in ethnic-based hostility after years of peace between the people of Gambella.

The people should not forget the good times. During the massacre of the Anuak in 2003; many Nuer gave safe refuge to Anuak in their homes. Religious leaders have been involved in the past years in efforts to bring reconciliation and peace among the people. Nuer and Anuak have intermarried, worked together, developed friendships and lived in peace. The future could be wonderfully promising together, but it will be lost if people give in to evil, hate and retaliation.

If there are some wanting to use ethnicity to divide the people for their own agenda; others should not give in to it. The Anuak and the Nuer should work together to bring genuine reconciliation among them and others in the region so healing can take place and they can once again live in harmony, thriving together.

This is now an opportunity for the regional and federal Government of Ethiopia to do their job to stop the violence, to deal with issues of insecurity and the heavy influx of guns, to protect the people and to bring the perpetrators to justice. Initially, federal security forces simply looked on without intervening; allowing this violence to be committed and to spread by lack of intervention; however, without more effective governance, the violence could spread beyond the region.

A meaningful implementation of the peace agreement in South Sudan could resolve much of this crisis.  The vast majority of the refugees living in the camps simply want a peaceful life where there is safety, security, peace, justice and equal rights, just like what is wanted in Ethiopia. Let us work together for lasting peace.

May God help those recovering, those who are grieving for lost loved ones and for the softening of the hearts of those who carry anger, wounds and the desire for revenge.

Let God raise up leaders who can bring peace, justice, reconciliation and prosperity to Gambella, Ethiopia and beyond.

Let us put humanity before ethnicity or any other distinctions.
Let us care for the wellbeing and justice of others as we care for our own or for our own groups.
Let us share freedom with others for no one is free until all are free.
May God work through our souls to heal the pain that we have been going through until we are free indeed!

=======================  =====================
For more information, contact Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE. Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

Dec 14, 2015

ፎረም 65፦ ድርቅ እና የተማሪዎች ተቃውሞ የአለመግባባት አደጋ መገለጫዎች ናቸው

03/04/2008 ዓ.ም.

አለመግባባት ለአገራችን ህልውና የሚፈጥራቸው አደጋዎች በየጊዜው እየጨመሩና እየተስፋፉ መምጣቱ በእጅጉ አስጊ ደረጃ ላይ ደርሷል። መንግስት ዋና ዋና ችግሮች ላይ አገራዊ መፍትሄን ለማግኘት ከህዝብ፣ ከህጋዊ ተቃዋሚዎችና ከዲያስፓራው ማህበረሰብ ጋር መግባባት ላይ ካልደረሰ አለመግባባት ወደ ቀውስና ግጭት ማደጉ አሳሳቢ ነው።

መንግስት ለድርቅ አደጋ የተዳረጉ አስራ አመስት ሚሊዮን ዜጎችን አስፈላጊውን እርዳታና ድጋፍ እንዲያገኙ ሁሉንም ያሳተፈ፡ ግልጽና አፋጣኝ መፍትሄ ካልፈጠረ፤ እንዲሁም የኦሮሚያ ተማሪዎች በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ ፕላን ላይ የሚያሰሙትን ተቃውሞ በማግባባት መፍትሄ ከመፍጠር ይልቅ ተማሪዎችን በመግደልና በማሰር ብቻ አላማውን የማስፈጸም አሰራሩ ከቀጠለ ለአገራችን ሰላምና መረጋጋት ከፍተኛ አደጋ ነው።

የድርቅ አደጋ

በድርቅና ረሃብ በተደጋጋሚ ሚጋለጡ አገሮች ሚገኙበትን ሁኔታ ለመለካት የተባበሩት መንግስታት የሚጠቀመበት ባለ አምስት ደረጃ መስፈርት ነው። በ1ኛ መስፈርት ላይ ርሃብም ሆነ ድርቅ አደጋ የሌለባቸው አካባቢዎች ይገኛሉ። በ2ኛ መስፈርት የድርቅና ርሃብ ውጥረት ውስጥ ያሉትን ያመለክታል። በ3ኛ ደረጃ በድርቅና በርሃብ ቀውስ ደረጃ ላይ የደረሱት ይገኛሉ። በ4ኛው መለኪያ ውስጥ ሚገኙት ህይወታቸው በርሃብ አደጋ ላይ የወደቁ ናቸው።

5ኛው ደረጃ አስከፊውና ብዙዎች በርሃብ የሚሞቱበት ደረጃ ነው። በኢትዮጵያ ዛሬ 4ኛ ደረጃ ውስጥ የገቡ አካባቢዎች መኖራቸውን ዘገባዎች ይጠቁማሉ (ካርታውን በሃሳብ መስጫ ላይ ይመልከቱ )። በተጨማሪም በዘገባዎቹ መሰረት አፋጣኝ እርዳታ ካልተደረገ በ3ኛ ደረጃ ላይ ያሉ ብዙዎች ወደ 4ኛ ደረጃ መግባታቸው እይቀርም። (የካርታ ምንጭ IRIN*)
በአገራችን የዘውድና የወታደራዊው መንግስታት እንዲናጉና እንዲሁም እንዲወድቁ ድርቅ ምክንያትና ሰበብ ነበር። አገራችን ዛሬም በፖለቲካ፥ ኢኮኖሚና ማህበራዊ ውጥረቶችና ቅራኔዎች ውስጥ በመገኘቷ፥ ዛሬ የተከሰተው የድርቅ አደጋ በአፋጣኝ መልስ ካላገኘ፥ ውጥረቶቹና ቅራኔዎቹ የፈጠሯቸው ስንጥቆች በድርቁ ምክንያት ሰፍተውና የድርቁ መዘዝ ለፖለቲካ ፍጆታ ውሎ ስንጥቆቹ ወደ አስከፊ ሁኔታ ሊዳርጉን እንደሚችሉ እንሰጋለን።

15 ሚሊዮን ህዝብን ለ4ኛ ደረጃ የርሃብ አደጋ ሊዳርግ ሚችለውን ድርቅ ገዢውም ሆነ ተቀናቃኝ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ለፖለቲካ ፍጆታ ከማዋል ባለፈና ሃላፊነት በተሞላበት መንገድ በጥንቃቄና በቅልጥፍና ከአገር ውስጥ፣ ከዲያስፖናራና ከአለማቀፋዊው ማህበረሰብ እርዳታ ማሰባሰብ ላይ በትብብር እንዲሰሩ ጥሪ እናቀርባለን።

የተማሪዎች ተቃዉሞ

የኦሮሚያ ተማሪዎች በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ እቅድ ላይ ተቃውሞ ባሰሙበት በ2006 ዓ.ም. ፓሊስ የወሰደው የሃይል እርምጃ ካደረሰው ግድያ፡ እስራትና እንግልት ያልተማረውና ያልተጸጸተው መንግስት፡ እንደገና ባለፉት ሁለት ሳምንታት በተደረጉት ተቃዉሞዎች ላይም እየወሰደ ያለውን የሃይል እርምጃ አጥብቀን እናወግዛለን።

ወጣቶች በአገራቸው ሃሳባቸውን የሚገልጹበትን የፓለቲካ ምህዳር በማዘጋጀት፣ በወይይትና በመተማመን መግባባት ላይ መድረስ እየተቻለ፡ መንግስት የደም ማፍሰስ መንገድ መምረጡ በአገሪቱ ሰላምና መረጋጋት ቁማር እንደ መጫወት ነው።
ቁማር ማለት በአቋራጭ ያለሂደት፣ ያለፅናትና ያለታታሪነት ውጤታማ የመሆን ስሌት ነው። መንግስት የሚያወጣቸውን ፓሊሲዎችና ዕቅዶች ያለ ህዝብ ግብአት እንዲፈፀሙ በሚያደርገው የጉልበተኝነት ባህሪው በአገሪቱ፥ በህዝቦችና በራሱም ህልውና ላይ ቁማር እየተጫወተ ነው።

አገሪቱ የምትገኝበት የድርቅ አደጋ፥ የኑሮ ውድነት፥ የፓለቲካ ምህዳር መጥፋትና የአንድ ፓርቲ ስርዓት መስረፅ የሚያመላክቱት አመራሩ የሚወስደው ስሌት በእጅጉ ቁማራዊ መሆኑን፣ ካለፉት ስርዓቶች ዋና ስህተቶች አለመማሩንና በተለይም ህዝብን የመናቅ፣ ያለማዳመጥ፣ ከፓርቲው መስመር ውጪ የሌላው ዕይታም ሆነ ርዕዮት ለአገሪቱ ምንም ፋይዳ የሌለው አድርጎ የማየት ዕብሪት ናቸው።

የህዝብን ብሶትና መከራ አዳምጦ በአፋጣኝ ምላሽ መስጠት ያልቻለው ንጉሳዊው ስርዓትም ሆነ፥ ከጉልበት ውጪ መፍትሄ መፀነስ ያልቻለው ወታደራዊው መንግስት ዛሬ የሉም። ኢሕአዴግ ቁማራዊ አኪያሄዱን አቁሞ የራሱን ህልውናና ጥቅም በዘለቄታዊነት ሊያስጠብቅለት ሚችለውን የመግባባትን መንገድ እንዲመርጥ ጥሪ እናቀርባለን።

ማጠቃለያ


መንግስት የአገሪቱን የፖለቲካ ቅራኔ ለማርገብ፦

(1ኛ.) ሚጠበቅበትን ሰፊ ሚና እንዲጫወት፣

(2ኛ.) በብሔራዊ እርቅና መግባባት አገሪቱን ወደ ተረጋጋ የፖለቲካ ምዕራፍ ውስጥ እንድትገባ ተቃዋሚ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶችን ያካተተ የመግባባት ሂደት ላይ በፋናወጊነት እንዲሳተፍና፣

(3ኛ.) አገራዊ አደጋዎችን በጋራና በፍጥነት እንድንወጣ ፖለቲካዊ እንቅፋቶችን እንዲያነሳ እንጠይቃለን።
የድርቅን አደጋ በሚመለከት ኢሕአዴግና ተቃዋሚዎች ድርቁን ለፖለቲካ ፍጆታ ከማዋል ይልቅ ቅድሚያ በርሃብ የተጋለጡትን ወገኖች መርዳት ላይ እንዲያተኩሩ ጥሪ እናቀርባለን። መንግስት በድርቅ አደጋ ለተጋለጡ ዜጎች እርዳታ በአፋጣኝ ለማሰባሰብ የሚያስችል፣ ፓለቲካዊ ያልሆነ፣ ገለልተኛ ጊዜያዊ አገራዊ ግብረሃይል አቋቁሞ መፍትሄ ላይ እንዲያተኩር አጥብቀን እናሳስባለን። ይህ ካልሆነ ግን የኢሕአዴግ መንግስት፡ እንደ ቀድሞ መንግስታት ሁሉ፡ በርሃብ ሰለባ ለሚሆኑና ለሆኑ ዜጎች ተጠያቂ ነው።

በዚህ አጋጣሚ ለተገደሉ ተማሪዎች ቤተሰቦች ሃዘናችንን እንገልጻለን።

ፍትህ ለተገደሉ የኦሮሚያ ተማሪዎች!

መግባባትን እናውርስ! 

ፎረም 65**

* http://newirin.irinnews.org/…/how-bad-is-the-drought-in-eth…, Accessed on Dec 7, 2015
** "ፎረም 65" በብሔራዊ እርቅና መግባባት ላይ ሳምንታዊ ዝግ ውይይት የሚያደርግ የ65Percent.org መድረክ ነው።

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ስለ 65Percent.org

የ65% ትርጉም፦ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ 65 በመቶው እድሜያቸው ከ24 አመት በታች ነው።
ግባችን፦ ለፓለቲካዊ እርቅና መግባባት መሟገትና ፋና ወጊ መሆን ነው።
ተልእኳችን፦ ለመጪው ትውልድ የመግባባትን ፓለቲካ በአርአያነት ማውረስ ነው።

Dec 13, 2014

11-Year Anniversary of Anuak Massacre of 2003 - Anuak Justice Council

11-YEAR ANNIVERSARY OF ANUAK MASSACRE OF 2003 WILL BE REMEMBERED BY MANY ETHIOPIAN ANUAK LIVING IN REFUGEE CAMPS AFTER BEING FORCIBLY UPROOTED FROM THEIR INDIGENOUS LAND

This year, members of the Ethiopian community in the Greater Houston, Texas, have sent a significant gift of encouragement to the Anuak who have been uprooted from their land and homes.

December 13, 2014
PRESS RELEASE. FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

(Vancouver, BC, Canada) December 13, 2014 will mark the 11-year anniversary of the horrific massacre of 424 Ethiopians of Anuak ethnicity in Gambella, Ethiopia. Even though it has been over a decade, it still seems like yesterday to the Anuak, especially to those who lost members of their families. Some of the victims remain in unmarked mass graves. The Anuak as well as the other people in the region have never really recovered from this traumatic tragedy, let alone the fact that no justice has been done.

Part of the reason for this is that the lives and livelihoods of the people surviving the tragedy have been in turmoil ever since. Seventy-eight thousand Anuak and others in Gambella have been forcibly evicted from their ancestral land in order to lease the land to foreign investors and TPLF/EPRDF regime cronies. The Anuak have never been consulted or compensated as would be done in a country where there was a rule of law.

Those who survived the 2003 massacre and the following three years of destruction, harassment, and human rights abuses, only had temporary relief before the TPLF/EPRDF began a master plan to remove them from their homes and land. Those that resisted quickly discovered that their lives were in danger. Those that complied, found it nearly impossible to survive in the resettlement sites designated to them by the regime due to inferior land, difficult access to water and absent services. Many were forced to leave Ethiopia in order to save their lives. They are now living in refugee camps in South Sudan and Kenya. Yet the ethnic apartheid regime of the TPLF/EPRDF continues to round up Anuak men in Gambella who are now in prison in Addis Ababa. With all of these actions, these past eleven years have been some of the most painful for the Anuak.

Today, December 13, 2014 these Anuak refugees and other Anuaks throughout the world, namely in Europe, United States of America, Canada and Australia will be holding a memorial service to commemorate this tragedy. As they remember what took place at mid-day eleven years ago and as they reflect on the needless loss of the lives of their loved ones, it will rekindle much emotion.

Widows will try to describe what fathers, brothers, sisters, or other relatives were like to their now grown children and try to explain how a regime that is supposed to protect its citizens could do such a horrible thing to their own people. It is difficult enough when you are in a stable environment, but it is all the more difficult being in a refugee camp, trying to find ways to move on with such few resources.

In the midst of this darkness, out of the hearts of the Ethiopian community in the greater Houston Area, has come an unexpected source of hope and encouragement—a large monetary gift to help the Anuak who have been displaced. In their letter of explanation they say: “We would like to kindly request that this small token be allocated to our fellow Ethiopians that have been uprooted from their land and homes by some greedy land grabbers who have little to no regard to their fellow mankind.”

The funds will be divided between Anuak in refugee camps in South Sudan and Kenya and Anuak in Gambella. The Anuak Justice Council (AJC) has chosen to distribute the funds to both refugee camps in conjunction with the December 13th memorial gatherings in both camps; but in Gambella, no commemoration is allowed, other than privately, so we are still working out the best way to distribute the funds.

Mr. Ochalla  Abulla, Chairman of the Anuak Justice Council (AJC) was very moved by this generosity, “This gift has been a tremendous encouragement to the people in the camps, but what these Ethiopians did when they reached out to the Anuak should now be an example to all of us, including the Anuak, to reach out to others beyond their ethnic groups. The impact of this could be huge and could inspire us as a nation to help our people—not only those from our own groups. There are some other examples of Ethiopians who are already doing this. Some Ethiopians have formed small groups of five members who all contribute $20 a month to support the family of some of our Ethiopian political prisoners who used to be the breadwinners of their families.”

AJC Vice Chairman, Mr. Ojulu Lero, added his thoughts, “This gesture is reconciliation in itself! These people have reached out to the Anuak and now the Anuak can reach out to other people like the Majangir or the Oromo who can reach out to the Amhara or Tigray who can reach out to the Southerners or the Afar and so forth. It reminds me of the recent SMNE forum in Washington D.C. that encourages us to talk to each other rather than about each other. In this case, these Ethiopians from Houston helped others rather than only helping themselves. If we all follow this model of action, it will be another way to unify the Ethiopian people.  Once the people are unified, the leaders will be more unified.”

As the Anuak in South Sudan and Kenya come together on December 13, 2014, they will know they are not alone. They will be thinking of those fellow Ethiopians far away who have torn down a wall of isolation through their gift of love. These funds will be put to good use, but the impact of it will live on as building blocks to a New Ethiopia. The power of love can break the walls of hostility and division like nothing else.

May the actions of these and other Ethiopians like them, inspire our people to reach out to others with love, humility, and generosity. May God deeply comfort the Anuak during this time of remembrance of the massacre of December 13-15, 2003 as well as all Ethiopians who have lost loved ones over these past years at the hands of the TPLF/EPRDF. May He also bring freedom to all political prisoners from every region throughout the country who are locked up simply for trying to bring justice and freedom to Ethiopia.

______________________________________________________________
If you have any questions or require further information, please contact Mr. Ochala Abulla, Chairman of the Anuak Justice Council (AJC): Phone: +1 (604) 520-6848 E-mail: Ochala@anuakjustice.org

Source: http://www.anuakjustice.org/141213-Anuak-Remembrance.htm

Dec 7, 2014

Ethiopia: Making Reconciliation Work - Zelalem Eshete, Ph.D.

The reconciliation dialogue needs to progress in parallel on two fronts: (1) among the several opposition groups; and, (2) between the government and oppositions. Allow me to be pragmatic by putting myself in the shoes of both the government and the opposition to deal with the reconciliation dialogue on the latter front.

Since there is so much mistrust between the government and oppositions, tossing the word “reconciliation” around will not get us anywhere. It means different things for different groups. Therefore, we need to define it as an evolutionary process instead of dealing with it in absolute terms. To that end, I propose to start with the beginnings of reconciliation for which the following definitions are set forth:

First, we define the boundary of the players in this dialogue. The players should practice peace in words and deeds. This is the hard part. Who said reconciliation is easy?

Second, we define the goal of the dialogue. It is not about power sharing or transfer of power. We all agree that should be decided at the ballot box. The purpose of this beginning is to sit around a table and discuss with intent to understand the other as a starting point.

Third, we define the mandatory prerequisite for this to happen. It should require participation from the government and the peaceful oppositions to get this process to work. Hopefully, no one would hate to take part for a chance to be understood.

Fourth, we define the moderators for realizing the goal. The moderators shouldn’t be from either group. They must be from independent voices. We have a large pool of silent majority already. The neutral moderators create the trust atmosphere for the two groups to be willing to sit down together.

Fifth, we define the implementation strategy. We don’t need to make it a one-time and a one-place event. Let the conversations begin in Ethiopia and around the world.

A quote from Nelson Mandela is a case in point: “One of the most difficult things is not to change society – but to change yourself”. We all are talking about changing Ethiopia, but the hard work is left undone. That hard work is to first become the changed ones; and then dare to step out of our comfort zone to reach out those that seems to be unreachable. Unless we start from such humble beginning, we cannot see the light of our ideals at the end of the tunnel.

So help us God!

Source: https://www.facebook.com/drzelalem/posts/626846614093434

Nov 21, 2014

ብሄራዊ መግባባት - ኢሕአዴግ

ብሄራዊ መግባባት ሲባል አንድ አስተሳሰብ በተወሰነ ታሪካዊ ወቅት በሚገኝ ህብረተሰብ ውስጥ ከሞላ ጎደል አብዛኛው ሰው አምኖበት የሚመራበት አስተሳሰብ መሆኑን ለማመልከት ነው:: ይህም በህብረተሰቡ ውስጥ የሚገኙ ተቋማት ይህንኑ አስተሳሰብ ተቀብለው በሱ የሚመሩ መሆናቸውን ከማረጋገጥ ጀምሮ፤ ህጎቹና አሰራሮቹ፤ በሰዎች መካከል ያለው የየእለት ግንኙነት፤ ወዘተ… ይህን አስተሳሰብ ተቀብሎና በሱ እየተመራ የሚከናወንበት ደረጃ ላይ መገኘቱን ያመለከታል፡፡

ትርጓሜውን ይበልጥ ተጨባጭ ለማድረግ አብዛኛው የህብረተሰብ ክፍል በሀገሪቱ ህገ መንግስትና በመሰረታዊ ፖሊሲዎች ላይ በዋነኝነት ስምምነት ላይ የደረሰበት፤ በዚህ ክልል የሚታዩትን መለስተኛም ሆነ መሰረታዊ ልዩነቶች ህጋዊና ሰላማዊ በሆነ መንገድ ለመፍታት የጋራ ግንዛቤ የተያዘበትን ሁኔታ ለማመልከት ነው ብሄራዊ መግባባት የሚባለው፡፡

የብሔራዊ መግባባትን ምንነት በደንብ ለመረዳት በህብረተሰቡ ላይ በግዴታ የተጫነን አስተሳሰብ ባህሪዎች በንፅፅር ማየት ጠቃሚ ነው፡፡ በግዴታ የተጫነ አስተሳሰብ ህብረተሰቡ በግድ እንደ መመሪያ እንዲጠቀምበት የተጫነበት ሲሆን ብሄራዊ መግባባት የተፈጠረበት አስተሳሰብ ግን ህብረተሰቡ ቢጠቀምበትም ባይጠቀምበትም ይጠቅመኛል ብሎ አምኖ የሚመራበት እምነት ነው፡፡ በግዴታ የተጫነ አስተሳሰብ ዘላቂነት የሌለው ሲሆን ብሄራዊ መግባባት የተደረሰበት አስተሳሰብ ግን ዘላቂነት ያለው ነው፡፡

ኢሕአዴግ የሚከተለው የልማታዊና ዴሞክራሲያዊ መንግስት ርዕዮተ አለም ብሔራዊ መግባባትን የግድ ተፈላጊ የሚያደርግና ለብሔራዊ መግባባት መፈጠርም ምቹ ሁኔታን የያዘ ነው፡፡ ይህም የልማታዊ መንግስት ባህሪ ከሆኑት ሶስት ባህሪያት አንዱ የልማታዊነት አስተሳሰብ የበላይነት የተረጋገጠበት ስርዓት ከመሆኑ ጋር ይያያዛል፡፡

እኛ የምንከተለውን መስመር ልዩ ከሚያደርጉት ጉዳዮች መካከል ከድህነት ወደ ብልፅግና በሚደረገው ሽግግር ህብረተሰቡ ስር ነቀል በሆነ ለውጥ የሚያልፍበት መንገድ መሆኑ ይጠቀሳል፡፡ ሕብረተሰቡ ይህን ረጅም ጉዞና ስር ነቀል ለውጥ አምኖ ካልተቀበለውና የራሱ አስተሳሰብና ባህል እንዲሆን ካላደረገው ለውጡን ሊፈፅመው አይችልም፡፡ ይህን መፈፀም የሚቻለው ህብረተሰቡ ለለውጡ ፈቃደኛና ዝግጁ ሲሆን ብቻ ነው፡፡ እናም ልማታዊ መንግስት ሊኖር የሚችለው በልማታዊነት አስተሳሰብ ዙሪያ ብሔራዊ መግባባት ሲፈጠር፤ የልማታዊነት አስተሳሰብ የበላይነቱን የተጎናፀፈ /hegemonic/ ሲሆን ነው፡፡

የልማታዊነት አስተሳሰብ የበላይነትም ሆነ ብሄራዊ መግባባት በዋነኝነት የህብረተሰቡን አስተሳስብ በመቅረፅ ላይ ያተኮረ ነው ሲባል ምንም አይነት ነባራዊ መሰረት ሳይኖርው ሊካሄድ ወይም ሊሳካ የሚችል ነው ማለት አይደለም፡፡ ይልቁንም ተጨባጭ ልማታዊ ተግባርን ወይም የሕዝብን ብሔራዊ ተጠቃሚነት ያረጋገጠ ውጤትን ማቅረብን ይጠይቃል፡፡

አንድ አስተሳሰብ በህብረተሰቡ ደረጃ ተቀባይነት እንዲያገኝ የህዝብን የእለት ተእለትና በተወሰነም ደረጃ የመለስተኛና የረጅም ግዜ ተጨባጭ ጥያቄዎችን መመለስ መቻል አለበት፡፡ ህብረተሰቡ አስተሳሰቡን አምኖ ሊቀበለው የሚችለው አኗኗሩን የሚለውጥበት ወይም ከነበረበት ወደ ኋላ የማይመልሰው ሆኖ ሲገኝ ነው፡፡ ህብረተሰቡን የሚመራው መንግስት አነሰም በዛም ምልዐተ ህዝቡን የጥቅሙ ተጋሪ ማድረግ በቻለበት ሁኔታ ህብረተሰቡ መንግስት የሚመራበትን አስተሳሰብ ሊቀበል ይችላል፡፡ ሀገሪቱ በማያቋርጥ የለውጥና የእድገት ጉዞ የምትራምድ ስትሆን ህዝቡ በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ ከእድገቱ ስለሚጠቀም ከፍተኛ ተስፋ ያሳድራል፡፡

መንግስትን የሚመራው ገዥ ፓርቲ የነደፋቸው ፖሊሲወች በተጨባጭ ብዙሃኑን የሚጠቅም ቅኝት እንዲይዙ ከተደረገም ህብረተሰቡ ከአጭርና ከመካከለኛ ግዜ አኳያ መሰረታዊ ግድፈት ያለበት ስርዓት ቢሆንም እንኳን ከአጭርና ከመካከለኛ ግዜ ጥቅሙ በመነሳት ስርአቱን ሊደግፍና ሊንከባከበው ይመርጣል፡፡ ይህን የመሰለ ሁኔታ ሲፈጠር ህዝቡ ፖሊሲዎቹን በመስማት ብቻ ሳይወሰን በተግባር ውጤታቸውን በማየት ያምንባቸዋል፡፡ በሀገራችን እየሆነ ያለውም ይሄው ነው፡፡

ኢሕአዴግ ይህንን ተገንዝቦ ሰፊ የህዝብ ግንኙነትና የተግባር የተቀናጀ ዘመቻ በማካሄድ ደረጃ በደረጃ የልማታዊነት አስተሳሰብ የበላይነትን ለመፍጠር እየተንቀሳቀሰ ያለና በተግባርም ውጤት እያስመዘገበ ያለ ድርጅት ነው፡፡ ድርጅታችን የብዙሃኑን ሕዝቦች መብትና ጥቅም ለማስጠበቅ የተሰለፈ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሃይል ስለሆነ በኢኮኖሚ እድገቱ የሰፈውን ሕዝብ ተጠቃሚነት በላቀ ደረጃ ለማሳደግ ተረባርቧል፡፡

ኢሕአዴግ ሕዝቡ በተደራጀ አኳኋን በገዛ ፈቃዱ በልማት እንቅስቃሴው በሰፊው እንዲሳተፍ ማድረግ የሚችልና በማድረግም ላይ ያለ ድርጅት ስለሆነም ሕዝቡን ከራሱ ልምድ በመነሳት ወደ ትክክለኛው ድምዳሜ በማድረስና ብሔራዊ መግባባት በመፍጠር ረገድ ከሌሎችም መንግስትን ከሚመሩ ፓርቲዎች የተሻለ ውጤትና ልምድ ማካበት ችሏል፡፡

Oct 11, 2014

እርቅና መግባባት ዳሰሳ ጥናት ውጤት (PDF) – myEthiopia.org

የሚከተለው ውጤት ድህረ ገፆች ላይ ከወጡት ፅሁፎቼ ሊንክ በማድረግ በ www.myEthiopia.com ድህረ ገፅ ላይ የተሰበሰበ የዳሰሳ ጥናት ነው። ጥናቱ ሳይንሳዊ ያልሆነ ቢሆንም ለመንደርደሪያ ጥናትና አሳብ ሊረዳ ይችል ይሆናል ብዬ አስባለው። ይህ ማለት ስለ እርቅና መግባባት ውስብስብ ጥያቄ እልባት ለማግኘት አይደለም። ያ በእኔ አይሞከርም ከአቅሜ በላይ ነውና። ዓላማዬ ስለ እርቅ ቅድመ ሁኔታዎች መንደርደሪያ አሳብ ለመሰብሰብ በማሰብ ነው። እነሆ ድምፅ የሰጡትን ሰዎች አሳቦች አጠርና ጠቅለል አድርጌ ከዚህ በታች በጥሬው አቅርቤያለው። የራሴን ትንታኔ ትቸዋለሁ። ያንን ለአንባቢው እተዋለሁ። በዚህ ዳሰሳ ጥናት ላይ የተሳተፉትን ከልብ አመሰግናለው። እግዚአብሔር ኢትዮጵያን ይባርክ። ፍቅርም ይስጠን። –—[ሙሉውን ለማንበብ እዚህ ይጫኑ]——

Aug 6, 2014

ብሔራዊ መግባባት ወይስ አገራዊ ውድመት? በያዕቆብ ኃይለማርያም ዶ/ር

ያዕቆብ ኃይለማርያም ዶ/ር
አንዳንድ እንደዘረኝነት፣ ጐሰኝነትና የሃይማኖት ጥላቻ ስለመሳሰሉ አጸያፊ ክስተቶችና ሕዝባዊ ግንኙነቶች ማንሳትና ስለእነርሱም መጻፍ የሚቀፍ ከመሆኑም በላይ፤ ያልሆነ ስም ሊያሰጥና በዘረኝነት ተጠቃሚ የሆኑ አካላትንም ሊያስከፋ ይችላል፡፡ ሆኖም ሳይመሽ አገርን ከውድቀት ለመታደግ እና ሕዝብን ከጥፋት አፋፍ ለመመለስ ሲባል፤ ከአገርና ከሕዝብ የሚበልጥ የለምና ይሉኝታን ዋጥ አድርጐ በፍርሃት ሳይገደቡ፣ በዲፕሎማሲያዊ ቋንቋ ሳይሽሞነሞኑ እነዚህን አገር በታኝ ክስተቶችን በአደባባይ አፍርጦ ለማውጣት ኢትዮጵያዊ ብቻ ሳይሆን ሰው መሆንም በቂ ነው፡፡

ጥላቻና ገደብ የለሽ የአገር ሀብት ዝርፊያ በተለይም የዘር ጥላቻና ዘረኝነት በሩዋንዳ ያስከተለውን በቃላት ሊገለጽ የማይችል ዘግናኝ እልቂትና ጭካኔን ያየና፤ የእነዚያ አክራሪ የሁቱ ጐሣ አባላትና መሪዎቻቸውን ሰይጣናዊ ድርጊቶች በፍርድ ቤት ከስሶ ሁኔታውን በዝርዝርና በጥልቀት የተረዳ ኢትዮጵያዊ፤ የዘርና የጐሣ ጥላቻ ያስከተለውን እልቂትና የአገር ውድመት በአገሩ ላይ እንዳይከሰት፣ ምንም ቢያስከፍልም ሆነ ምናልባትም የቁራ ጩኸት ቢሆን እንኳን ‹‹ውርድ ከራሴ›› በማለት እያንዳንዱ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሊረዳው በሚችልበት ቋንቋ በግልጽ የማስረዳት ኃላፊነት አለበት፡፡ በሩዋንዳ ከሰላሳ ዓመታት በላይ ሲያመረቅዝ የቀዬው የዘር ጥላቻ ወደ እልቂት ሊያመራ እንደሚችል ገና ከጠዋቱ ያስጠነቀቁ ምሁራን ከፋፋይ ሽብር ነዢዎች ተብለው እንደተፈረጁ ሁሉ፤ አሁንም ይህ ማስጠንቀቂያ ተመሳሳይ ዘለፋ ያስከትል ይሆናል፡፡ ዋናው ነገር ግን በአገራችን ላይ እያንዣበበ ያለውን አደጋ ሕዝብና መንግሥት ይረዱት እንጂ፣ ሌላው ሁሉ ገብስ ነው፡፡

የዘር ጥላቻንና የጐሣ ግጭቶችን በጠቅላላው ጐሰኛነትንና ጐጠኛነትን፣ እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን ገና ድሮ ልናልፋቸው በተገባ ነበር፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ እኮ፣ ከብዙ አገራት ቀድማ አገራዊ አንድነትና ሉዐላዊነት የተጐናጸፈች፣ ጥልቅ ታሪክና የራስዋ ፊደልና የዳበረ ባህል ያላት አገር ነች፡፡ ሕዝቡም ለብዙ ምዕተ ዓመታት ክፉውንና ደጉን እየተጋራ በነፃነት የኖረ ሲሆን፤ ትናንት የተፈጠሩ አገራት ዘረኝነትንና ጐጠኝነትን አልፈው ሄደው አገራዊ አንድነት ሲፈጥሩ፣ እኛ በብሔረሰቦች መብት ስም እንዴት በዘረኝነት ውስጥ እንደነጋገራለን? ኢሕአዴግ እያንዳንዱን ኢትዮጵያዊ በመታወቂያ ካርድ እየለየ በጐሣ ወይንም በብሔር ከረጢት ውስጥ እንዲገባ ከመደንገጉ በፊት፣ ይህንን ዛሬ የተንሰራፋውን ጐሰኝነት ልናልፈው ተቃርበን ነበር፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ በሩዋንዳ የተካሄደውን ጭፍጨፋ ቀላል ካደረጉት ነገሮች አንዱ፣ ሕዝቡ በነቂስ ዘሩን ወይንም ብሔሩን የሚያመላክት መታወቂያ አውጥቶ እንዲይዝ መደረጉ ነበር፡፡

በኢትዮጵያም ይህ አላስፈላጊ የሆነ ዝርዝር ሁኔታ፣ ማለትም ብሔረሰብ በመታወቂያ ካርድ ላይ እንዲጠቀስ የመደረጉ ጥቅም ምን እንደሆነ ግልጽ አይደለም፡፡ ጐሰኝነትንና ጐጠኝነትን ልናልፋቸው ተቃርበን እንደነበረ ብዙ ማስረጃዎች አሉ፡፡ ለምሳሌ ያህል ከሰላሳ ዓመታት በፊት ዩኒቨርስቲ አካባቢ፣ አንድ ሰው ከኢትዮጵያዊነቱ ውጭ አማራ ይሁን ኦሮሞ፤ ጉራጌ ይሁን ከምባታ አይታወቅም ነበር፡፡ ቢታወቅም በጓደኛ አመራረጥ ላይ የብሔር ማንነት ምንም ተጽእኖ እንዳልነበረው በዩኒቨርስቲው ያለፉ ሁሉ ይመሰክራሉ፡፡ በጊዜው የነበሩ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ኢሕአፓ፣ መኢሶን፣ ኢዲዩ፣ ኢሠፓ፣ ወዘተ ሕብረ ብሔራዊ ድርጅቶች ሲሆኑ፤ ከሕወሓትና ከኦነግ ውጭ ጐሰኝነትን መሰረት ያደረገ ፓርቲ አልነበረም፡፡ ሁሉም ኢትዮጵያውያን ሊቀበሉት የሚገባ አንድ ሐቅ ግን አለ፡፡ 

ይኸውም ዛሬ የአንድ ጐሳ ወይንም ብሔር አባል ቋንቋውን የመናገርና የማበልጸግ፣ በባህሉ መኩራትና መተግበር፣ የውስጥ አስተዳደሩን ራሱ የመምራት መብት እንዳለው አጠያያቂ ያለመሆኑ በኢትዮጵያም ሆነ በዓለም አቀፍ ሕግጋት እውቅና ያገኘ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ ሆኖም እንዲህ ዓይነት ያልተገደበ መብት መገንጠልን እንደማይጨምር አንዳንድ ኢትዮጵያውያን የተረዱት አይመስልም፡፡ የመገንጠል መብት መቼና በምን ሁኔታ ይፈቀዳል የሚለው ጥያቄ ሰፊ ርዕስ በመሆኑ በሌላ ጊዜ እንመለስበታለን፡፡ የእነዚህ የብሔረሰብ መብቶች መከበር፣ ዘረኝነትን አጥፍተው ብሔራዊ አንድነትን ያዳብራሉ እንጂ አያዳክሙም፡፡
ወደ ዋናው ጉዳያችን እንግባ፡፡ በስውር ቋንቋ ሳንሸፋፍነው፣ በዲፕሎማሲያዊ ቋንቋ ሳናሽሞነሙነው ከተነጋገርን፤ በአገራችን የዘር ጥላቻ አስደንጋጭ በሆነ ሁኔታ እየተንሰራፋና እየተስፋፋ መሄዱ፣ ሰው ሁሉ ያወቀው ጸሐይ የሞቀው እውነታ መሆኑ አያጠያይቅም፡፡ በእነዚህ 23 ዓመታት ውስጥ የዘረኝነት ክስተቶች የተገለጡባቸው ቦታዎችና ሁኔታዎች በጣም ብዙ ስለሆኑ፣ ለናሙና ያህል ጥቂቶችን ብቻ እንጥቀስ፡፡

በብሔር ወይንም በዘር ልዩነት ምክንያት ከሕይወት መጥፋት ጀምሮ ያሉ ግጭቶች ያልተከሰቱባቸው የአገሪቱ ዩኒቨርስቲዎች ጥቂቶች ናቸው፡፡ አንድ ጐሳ ወይንም ብሔር ከሌላ ጐሳ ጋር ተጋጭቶ፤ ይህን ያህል ሰው ሞተ፣ ይህን ያህል ንብረት ወደመ የሚል ዜና ሰርክ እየሰማን ነው፡፡ በተለያዩ ጊዜያት አንዳንድ ሃፍረተ ቢስ ኃላፊነት የጐደላቸው ኢትዮጵያውያን፣ በፌስ ቡክ አማካይነት የሩዋንዳ እልቂት በኢትዮጵያ መደገም አለበት የሚል አስደንጋጭ መልእክቶች እንደሚያስተላልፉ ሳንረዳ አንቀርም፡፡ ጨቅላ ሕፃን ይዛ የእለት ጉርስዋን የምትለምነው የእኔ ቢጤ እንኳን፣ ብሔሯን ከምትለምነው ሰው መደበቅ አለባት፡፡ አለበለዚያ ተለማኙ ሰውዬ የማይወደው ብሔር አባል መሆኗን ካወቀ፣ የዳቦ ሳንቲም መንፈግ ብቻም ሳይሆን ብሔሯን እየጠቀሰ ሊቀልድባት ይችላል፡፡

መንግሥት አለ ወይ እስኪባል ድረስ በብዙ ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ የአንድ ቋንቋ ተናጋሪ ኢትዮጵያውያን፣ የክልሉ ብሔር አባላት አይደላችሁምና ከክልሉ ወይንም ከወረዳው በዚህ ቀናት ውጡ እየተባለ፤ የአካባቢው ሕዝብ ማፈናቀሉን ቢቃወምም እንኳን፣ ባለስልጣናቱ እነዚህ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከቤት ንብረታቸው ተፈናቅለው ሜዳ እንዲወድቁ አድርገዋቸዋል፡፡ በጊዜው በኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ፊት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ አቶ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ በቁጣ በታጀበ ንግግራቸው፣ በቤኒሻንጉል አማርኛና ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከኖሩበት ክልል ማፈናቀል ሕገ-ወጥ መሆኑን እና ጥብቅ እርምጃም በአስቸኳይ እንደሚወሰድ ገልጸው ነበር፡፡ 

አስገራሚው ነገር ደግሞ ተፈናቃዮቹ ወደ ቤት ንብረታቸው ካለመመለሳቸውና መንግስት ነገሩን ናቅ አድርጐ ከመተው ባሻገር፣ እንዲያውም ተጨማሪ ዜጐች እንዲፈናቀሉ ተደርጓል፡፡ ‹‹አለማወቅ ደጉ›› ሆነና ነው እንጂ፤ በዓለም አቀፍ ወንጀለኝነት የሚታወቀው የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል የሚፈጽሙና የፈጸሙ ባለስልጣናት ምን እንደሚጠብቃቸው ቢያውቁ እንቅልፍ በዓይናቸው ባልዞረ ነበር፡፡ ከሰባ አመታት በፊት ለፈጸሟቸው ዓለም አቀፍ ወንጀሎች የቀድሞ ናዚ ጀርመናውያን፤ ስፔን ውስጥ ተይዘው፣ በዚሁ በያዝነው ዓመት ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበዋል፡፡ የቀድሞው ዩጐዝላቪያ መሪ ዓለም አቀፍ የወንጀል ፍርድ ቤት ፊት የቆመው፣ ግድያ ቢኖርም ግን በዋናነት ሰርቦች ሙስሊሞችን ከቤት ንብረታቸው አፈናቅለው ካምፕ ውስጥ አጉረው በማሰቃየታቸው ነው፡፡

የዘር ጥላቻ የሰውን ሕሊና ከሚሰውሩ፣ የሰው ልጅ የመጨረሻ አውሬነት አፍጥጦ እንዲወጣ ከሚያደርጉ ክፉ ድርጊቶች አንዱ ነው፡፡ የዘር ጥላቻ ተደጋግሞ እንደታየው በዘር ማጥፋት ይደመደማል፡፡ ቦስኒያ ውስጥ ሰርብ ያልሆኑት ዜጐችን መጨፍጨፍ፣ ኦቶማኖች በአርመኖች ላይ ያደርሱት እልቂት፣ የጀርመን ናዚዎች በይሁዲዎች ላይ የፈጸሙት ግድያና ስቃይ፣ ሳዳም ሁሴን በኩርዶች ላይ ያካሄደው የዘር ምንጠራ፣ ፖል ፖት ያካሄደው ገደብ የለሽ ጭፍጭፋ፣ ሁቱዎች በቱትሲዎች ላይ የፈፀሙት እልቂት፤ በዘር ጥላቻ ላይ ተመስርተው ከተፈፀሙ ግድያዎችና ሰቆቃዎች ውስጥ ዋንኞቹ ናቸው፡፡ አሳዛኙ ነገር ዘረኛነት ከመሰረተው ስርዓት ተጠቃሚ ያልሆኑ የዚያ ዘር አባላትንም ለብቀላውና ለጥቃቱ ሰለባ ማድረጉ ነው፡፡

የዘር ጥላቻ ከወለዳቸው ዕልቂቶች መሀከል፣ እንስሳት እንኳን ሊፈጽሙት ከማይችሉት የጭካኔ ተግባራት የሚቆጠረው የሩዋንዳው የቱትሲዎች እልቂት ቀዳሚነቱን ሳይዝ አይቀርም፡፡ ሩዋንዳ የቤልጅየም ቅኝ ግዛት በነበረችበት ጊዜ፤ ቅኝ ገዢዎቹ አፍንጫ ሰልካካና ቁመተ ረጃጅምና ከኢትዮጵያ ፈልሰው እንደሄዱ የሚነገርላቸውን ከሕዝቡ 15% የሚሆኑትን ቱትሲዎች ወኪል በማድረግ፣ 85% በሆኑት መደበኛ አፍሪካዊ መልክ ባላቸው ሁቱዎች ላይ አነገሷቸው፡፡ የቱትሲዎችና የኢትዮጵያ ግንኙነት ከተነሳ፤ ከሃያ ሺህ በላይ ቱትሲዎች እግርና እጃቸውን ታስረው ወደአገራችሁ ኢትዮጵያ ግቡ ተብለው ወደሰሜን ከሚፈስ ቪክቶሪያ ኃይቅ ጋር ከሚቀላቀል ወንዝ ውስጥ መጨመራቸው ይታወቃል፡፡ ሥልጣን በመጠቀም የመንግሥቱን ቢሮክራሲ፣ ንግዱን፣ ትምህርቱን፣ የከብት እርባታውን በመጠቅለል ሁቱዎችን መብት አልባ ዜጐች አደረጓቸው፡፡

ቂም ቋጥረው የኖሩት ሁቱዎች፣ እ.ኤ.አ. በ1962 ዓ.ም. ሩዋንዳ ነፃ ስትወጣ የመንግሥቱን ሥልጣንና መዋቅራት፣ ቢሮክራሲውን፣ የትምህርቱና የንግድ ዘርፎችን በሙሉ ከመጠቅለል አልፈው፤ በቱትሲዎች ላይ የበቀል እርምጃ መውሰድ ጀመሩ፡፡ ቤት ንብረታቸውን ንግዳቸውን የተዘረፉት፣ ከቢሮክራሲው የተባረሩት ቱትሲዎች ደግሞ ወደኡጋንዳ ተሰደዱ፡፡ ወደኡጋንዳ የተሰደዱት ቱትሲዎች ተደራጅተው ወታደራዊ ስልጠና በመውሰድ በጦር ኃይል አማካኝነት ወደ አገራቸው ለመመለስ እንቅስቃሴ ሲጀምሩ፤ ለዘመናት እያመረቀዘ የመጣው የዘር ጥላቻ፣ አገሪቷ ነፃ ከወጣች ከ32 ዓመታት በኋላ እ.ኤ.አ. በ1994 ዓ.ም. ፈንድቶ፣ መቶ በማይሞሉ ቀናት ውስጥ በሩዋንዳዎች ስሌት አንድ ሚልዮን ሶስት መቶ ሺህ ቱትሲዎችና ጥቂት ለዘብተኛ ሁቱዎች፤ ህፃን፣ አሮጊትም ሆነ ሽማግሌ ሳይባል በቆንጨራ ራሳቸውን ለሁለት በመበርቀስ ተጨፈጨፉ፡፡ 

በኢትዮጵያ ፋሽስቱ ደርግ እንዳደረገውም፣ አንዳንዶቹ የሚገደሉበትን ጥይት መግዛት መቻላቸውን እንደ አንድ ልዩና ጥሩ ዕድል ቆጥረውታል፡፡ የሩዋንዳ ሁቱ ጨፍጫፊዎች ተራ የመንደር ወይንም የገዢው ፓርቲ ዱርዬዎች (ኢንተራሃሞዌ) ብቻ ሳይሆኑ፤ የዘር ጥላቻ ምሁር ወይንም መሃይም ስለማይል የታወቁ ምሁራን እና ቄሶች ሳይቀሩ ተሳትፈዋል፡፡ በመሃል ኪጋሊ አንድ ቤተ-ክርስቲያን ውስጥ ሁቱ ቄሶች ቱትሲ ቄሶችና ምዕመናንን የጨፈጨፉት የሬሳ ክምር፣ ዛሬም በቤተ-ክርስቲያኑ ውስጥ ይታያል፡፡ ቱትሲዎች ወደኡጋንዳ ሲሰደዱ የ6 ዓመት ሕፃን በነበረው በዛሬው ፕሬዝዳንት ፖል ካጋሚ መሪነት፣ በጦርነቱ አሸንፈው አገሪቱን ሲቆጣጠሩ፤ ቁጥራቸው የበዛ ሁቱዎች በተራቸው ተገድለዋል፡፡ የእነዚህ የሁለቱ ጐሳዎች መጨፋጨፍ የአገር ጥፋትንና የጅምላ እልቂትን ከመውለዱ ውጪ፤ በዘር ጥላቻ አሸናፊና ተሸናፊ እንደሌለ አመላካች ነው፡፡

ፈረንጆች፣ አንድ ክፉ ነገር አሸንፎ የሚወጣው በጥቂት ሰዎች ዝምታ ምክንያት ነው የሚል አባባል አላቸው፡፡ በዚህ ድሀ ሕዝብ ጫንቃ ተምረው፣ ኑሮአቸውን ካደላደሉ በኋላ አገር አማን ነው ብለው ዝምታን መርጠው የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን፤ ቢያንስ የሕሊና ወቀሳ እንደሚነዘንዛቸው ሊክዱ አይችሉም፡፡ በዚህ አደገኛ ጊዜ ዝምታ ወርቅ ሳይሆን ክህደት ነው፡፡ በሥልጣን ላይ የተቀመጡ ሰዎች ስልጣንና ቁሳዊ ጥቅሞች አይናቸውን ጋርዶት፣ ልሳናቸውን ዘግቶት እንደሆነ አይናቸውን መግለጥ ብቻ ሳይሆን ቢበለጥጡት ይበጃቸዋል፡፡ ምክንያቱም ይህች አገር በዘር ጥላቻና በሙስና ምክንያት ብትፈርስና የጅምላ እልቂት ቢከሰት፤ በመጀመርያ የገመዱ ሸምቀቆ የሚገባው በእነርሱ አንገት መሆኑን መዘንጋት የለባቸውምና፡፡ በአገራችን የዘር ጥላቻ በየእለቱ የምናየው ነገር መሆኑ፤ በዚህ ጥላቻ ምክንያትም አገራችን ወደገደል እያመራች መሆኑን አሌ የሚሉ መሪዎችም ሆኑ ምሁራን፤ አውሎ ነፋስ እየመጣ መሆኑንና ሊያደባያት እንደሚችል እያወቀች ራሷን አሸዋ ውስጥ በቀበረች ሰጐን ይመሰላሉ፡፡ ስለዚህ ዘረኝነት የሚያስከትለው አሸናፊና ተሸናፊ የሌለበት የጅምላ እልቂት እርቆ ሳይሄድ፣ መዋጋት ዛሬ እንጂ ለነገ የሚተው አይደለም፡፡ የዚህ ጸሐፊ አስተያየትና ግንዛቤ ስህተት ቢሆን ምንኛ በተደሰተ! ስህተት ባይሆንስ? አንዴ ካንሸራተተ መመለስ እንደማይችል ወይንም እጅግ በጣም አስቸጋሪ ለመሆኑ፤ በመፍረስ ላይ ያሉት እነሶርያ፣ የመሃከለኛው አፍሪቃ ሪፐብሊክና ደቡብ ሱዳን (ግብጽ እንኳን ሳትቀር) ሕያው ምስክሮች ናቸው፡፡

የችግራችን መፍትሔ ሁሉም ሊገባው በሚችልበት፣ በሁለት ቃላት ማስቀመጥ ይቻላል፡፡ ይህን ያህል የዘር ጥላቻ ተካርሮ ወደ ግጭት ባላመራባት ኢትዮጵያ ቀርቶ፤ በዚያ በጥቂት ቀናት ውስጥ በዓለም ተወዳዳሪ ያልተገኘለት እልቂት በተፈጸመባት ሩዋንዳ እንኳን፤ ዛሬ በሕዝቡ መሀከል እርቅ ወርዶ፣ ሩዋንዳ በአፍሪቃ የሰላምና የእኩልነት ተምሳሌት ለመሆን ችላለች፡፡ ዛሬ ሩዋንዳዊ እንጂ እገሌ ሁቱ ነው፣ እገሌ ቱትሲ ነው ማለት አጸያፊ ሆኗል፡፡ ስለዚህ፣ ምንም እንኳን መጪዎቹ ጊዜያት አስፈሪ ቢሆኑም ቅሉ፤ ብሔራዊ ዕርቅ በሚሉ ሁለት ቃላት፣ መፍትሔውን ማስቀመጥ ይቻላል፡፡

በአገራችን የኢሕአዴግ፣ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችና የሕዝባዊ ድርጅቶች ፈቃደኝነት እስካለ ድረስ፣ በቀላሉ እርቅ ወርዶ፣ ለዘር ጥላቻ መንስኤ የሆኑ ነገሮች ታርመው፤ አገራችን ሰላም፣ ፍቅርና ዴሞክራሲ የሰፈነባት ከመሆን ምንም የሚያግዳት ነገር አይኖርም፡፡ ብሔራዊ ዕርቅ ይውረድ ሲባል፣ “ማን ከማን ጋር ተጣልቷል?” ብሎ መቀለድ፤ በኋላ መሪር ዋጋ ሊያስከፍል ይችላል፡፡ ብሔራዊ መግባባት እንዴት ይመጣል የሚለው፣ በአገሪቱ እኩልነት፣ ዴሞክራሲና ፍትሕ ያለመ በአገር ደረጃ የሚወሰን ሲሆን፤ ለመነሻነት ያህል ቀጥሎ በተዘረዘሩት መጀመር ይችላል፡፡

ሀ) ጋዜጠኞች፣ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲና የሃይማኖት መሪዎችና አባላት፤ በጠቅላላው ከፖለቲካና ከሃይማኖት ጋር በተያያዘ የታሰሩ ሰዎችን በሙሉ መፍታት፤

ለ) የጸረ-ሽብርተኛ አዋጅ መሰረዝ፤ እና

ሐ) በአገር ውስጥና በውጭ አገራት የሚገኙ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችና የሕዝባዊ ድርጅቶች አባላትና መሪዎችን በሽብርተኛነት የተፈረጁትንም አጠቃሎ የያዘ አንድ ጉባዔ በአዲስ አበባ ማካሄድ፤ የሚሉት መነሻ ሊሆኑን ይችላሉ ብዬ አምናለሁ፡፡

ይህ በሀገራችን ያለው ሁኔታም፣ እያንዳንዱ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሊረዳው የሚገባ በመሆኑ፣ ጽሑፉን ያነበበ ለሌላ ቢያስተላልፈው ግንዛቤ ለማስጨበት የሚረዳ ይመስለኛል፡፡

May 17, 2014

እውነታ + እውቅና + ፍትህ = እርቅ (ያዬ አበበ)

 የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ 65 በመቶው እድሜያቸው ከ24 አመት በታች ነው። ለዚህ ተተኪ ትውልድ የመግባባትን ፓለቲካ በአርዓያነት ማውረስ አስፈላጊነት ስላመንኩበት ስለ እርቅና መግባባት ለመሟገትና ፋና ወጊ ሚና ለመጫወት የዜግነት ሃላፊነቴን ጀምሬያለሁ።
ሰዎች እርቅን የተለያዬ ትርጉም እንደሚሰጡት የ65Percent.org ድረ-ገጽን ከጀመርኩበት ከዚህ አመት አጥቢያ አንስቶ እየተረዳሁ ነው። ድረ-ገጼን ከመጀመሬ በፊት ከ16 ኢትዮጵያውያን ጋር በፓልቶክ የፖለቲካ መወያያ ክፍሎች የሃሳብ አሰሳ አድርጌያለሁ። ከአሰሳው እንደተረዳሁት ስለእርቅ እና ፖለቲካዊ መግባባት በቂ የሚዲያ ሽፋንም ሆነ ውይይት አልተደረገም።
ለአገራችን የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ ከትጥቅ ትግልና ከአመጽ የላቀ አማራጭ አለን፦ የእርቅና መግባባት አማራጭ። በዚህ አጭር ጽሁፍ  ሰለፖለቲካዊ እርቅና መግባባት በጽንሰ ሃሳብ ደረጃ ጥቂት አጠቃላይ ነጥቦችን እዳስሳለሁ።

ሁለት ጭብጦች፦ ውጥረትና አለመግባባት

አንደኛ፦ የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ስርአትና ሂደት በውጥረት ውስጥ ይገኛል። ሁለተኛ፦ የአገራችን ፖለቲካ በእጅጉ ባለመግባባት የተጠመደ ነው። እነዚህ ሁለት ጭብጦች የአደባባይ ሚስጥር ቢሆኑም መፍትሄ ለመቅረጽ በነዚህ ነጥቦች ላይ መስማማቱ እንደ ቅደመ ሁኔታ እመለከተዋለሁ። ውጥረትና አለመግባባት የሰፈነበትን ፖለቲካችንን ማርገብና ማግባባት መሰረታዊ የእርቅ ግብ ነው።

መደበኛ ፓለቲካዊ ሂደት
የፓለቲካችንን ውጥረት ማርገብ ለፓለቲካዊ መግባባት ሁኔታዎችን ያመቻቻል። የአገራችን ፖለቲካ ላለፉት 40 አመታት ከነውጥ  ወደ ቀውስ ፤ ከአመጽ ወደ እልቂት ፤ ከቁስል ወደ ቂምና ጥላቻ ሲገለባበጥ የቆየ ነው። ፖለቲካችን መደበኛ ሆኖ አያቅም። መደበኛ ፓለቲካዊ ሂደት ማለት ከቀውስ ፥ ከደም መፋሰስ ፥ ከአላስፈላጊ ውጥረትና ከጥላቻ ውጥቶ ፥ ወደ ሚዛናዊ የሃሳብ ፉክክርና ፍትሃዊ ሂደት ውስጥ የገባ ማለት ነው።

ፓለቲካዊ ቅራኔ

የፓለቲካዊ ውጥረታችን መንስኤው ፓለቲካዊ ቅራኔ ነው። የአገራችን ፓለቲካዊ ውጥረት የብዙ ዘመናት ፡ የልዩ-ልዩ ድርብርብ ቁስሎች ፡ ቁርሾዎች ፡ ያልተቋጩ ታሪካዊ ክስተቶች ፡  ርዮተአለሞች ፡ ማንነቶች ፡ ስሜቶች … ወዘተ ውጤት ነው። እነዚህ ድርብርብና ዘርፈ-ብዙ የቅራኔ መንስኤዎች አልፎ አልፎ ምልክታዊ ትኩረት አግኝተዋል። እንደ ዋቢ ከሚጠቀሱት አንዱ የቀይ ሽብር መታሰቢያ ሙዚየም ሲሆን ፡ ሌላው የወታደራዊው መንግስት ባለስልጣናት ከእስር መለቀቅ ነው።


ሆኖም ግን የፖለቲካ ቅራኔያችን ሲባባስ ፥ የፖለቲካ ምህዳር ሲጠብ ፥ የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ከመድብለ ፓርቲ ስርአት ወደ አሃዳዊ ፓርቲ ቁጥጥር ሲያዘነብል እንጂ ፡ ወደ መደበኛ ፖለቲካዊ ሂደት ሲገባ አይታይም።

ዘርፈ-ብዙ መፍትሄ

በቅራኔ እየከረረ ያለው ፓለቲካዊ ውጥረታችንን ማርገብ የምንችለው የቅራኔው መንስኤዎች ላይ በማተኮር ፥ ተግባራዊና አስታራቂ መፍትሄ በመወጠን ነው። ይሄንን ለማድረግ የሌሎች አገሮችን ተሞከሮ በአርአያነት በመጠቀም  የኢትዮጵያን ፖለቲካዊ ቅራኔ ምንጮች ማድርቅ እንችላለን።

ይሄን ለማድረግ የኔልሰን ማንዴላ መንግስት የወሰደውን ቀመር/ፎርሙላ መጠቀሙ አማራጭ የሌለው ሆኖ አግኘቼዋለሁ። ማንዴላ የደቡብ አፍሪካ ነጮች መንግስት በጥቁሮችና በሌሎች ዘሮች ላይ ያደረገውን ግፍና እልቂት በጥበብና  አርቆ አስተዋይነት አርግቦታል።

ምንም እንኳን ኢትዮጵያና ደቡብ አፍሪካ በእጅጉ የተለያዬ ፓለቲካዊ ሁኔታዎች ላይ ያሉ ቢሆንም፥  የማንዴላ ቀመር የኢትዮጵያን ፖለቲካዊ ውጥረት ለማርገብ ፍቱን መድሃኒት መሆኑን አምንበታለሁ። ላብራራ።

የማንዴላ ቀመር/ፎርሙላ፦ እውነታ + እውቅና + ፍትህ = እርቅ

የማንዴላ መንግስት የውጥረት ማርገብ ስራውን የጀመረው እውነታን በማፈላለግ ስራ ነው። ቀጥሎም በተሰበሰበው መረጃ ላይ እውቅና የመስጠት ስራ ተካሄደ። የእውቅና ሂደቱን በቴሌቪዥን የተከታተላችሁ እንደምታስታውሱት በጣም ልብ ይሚነካ ሂደት ነበር። በመጨረሻም እውነታ ማፈላለጉና እውቅና የመስጠቱ ስራ ወደ ፍትህ አመራ።

የፍትህ ሂደቱ አንዳንድ የደቡብ አፍሪካ አፓርታይድ መንግስት ተሳታፊዎችን ከክስ ነጻ ማድረጉ ይታወሳል። ይህ የሆነው በእውነታና በእውቅና ሂደት ውስጥ ስለተሳተፉና ለፈጸሙት በደል ይቅርታ ሰለጠየቁ ፡  እንዲሁም ያንን በማድረጋቸው የማንዴላ መንግስት ለተሳታፊዎቹ ከሰጣቸው ዋስትና የተነሳ ነበር። ለተበዳዮችና ቤተሰቦቻቸውም የደቡብ አፍሪካ መንግስት የገንዘብ ካሳ ከፍሏል። ውጥረትን ማርገብ ማለት ይህ ነው።

የእርቅ ሂደት ውጥረትን ያረግባል ፡ ለመግባባት ምቹ ሁኔታዎችን ይፈጥራል።

እውነታ + እውቅና + ፍትህ = እርቅ!

*********

ያዬ አበበ የ65Percent.org መስራች ነው። የ65ፐርሰንት ድረ-ገጽ ግብ ለፓለቲካዊ እርቅና መግባባት የመሟገትና ፋና ወጊ መሆን ነው።

Feb 13, 2014

Democracy and its Trade-off: Ethiopia’s Path to National Reconciliation – Messay Kebede, PhD

Messay Kebede, PhD
In many of my previous articles, even as Meles Zenawi was in absolute control of the country, I have defined the creation of a government of national reconciliation as the best roadmap both for the easing of some of Ethiopia’s socio-economic problems and initiating the construction of a democratic future. My assumption was then that Ethiopia could benefit from Meles’s dream of grandeur: had he taken the initiative of creating a genuine government of reconciliation, he would have marked history in a way similar to Nelson Mandela. The purpose of this article is to confirm that the proposal is still relevant.

Before I go further, there is one basic hurdle that needs to be removed. Every time I propose a government of national reconciliation, I face two different objections. Some pity my naivety and demolish my proposal with a heavy blow of realism by asking, why would the ruling elite invite the opposition parties when it feels strong in the face of a weak and divided opposition? Others tell me that my position does no more than side with the ruling party by throwing cold water on the struggle to remove the EPRDF which, they say, is beyond redemption.

Parties and groups advocating and actually carrying out armed struggle to dislodge the ruling party are entitled to ridicule my proposal. Their rejection is in perfect accord with their view of the TPLF as a party fundamentally hostile to Ethiopia’s interests. However, those parties and groups that champion non-violent form of struggle should refrain from adopting the same stand. Most of them work with the belief that democratic elections are the only means to bring about real change in Ethiopia. As a result, they expect the EPRDF to hand over power in the case they win the majority of parliamentary seats.
This expectation is, for me, the apex of political gullibility: there is nothing more unlikely than a party as sectarian, suspicious, and panicky as the TPLF surrendering power peacefully. The best that elections can achieve, in the remote case that they are relative democratic, is the possibility for the opposition to participate in political life as a minority party. If election cannot achieve the removal of the ruling party, then my proposal looks rational and realistic for the reason that it is a win-win alternative that ruling elite and opposition parties can bring to life with a little dose of realism and good faith.

Consider for one moment the political situation in today’s Ethiopia. It is ruled by an incompetent, mediocre, self-serving, and divided group. For a short time, I speculated together with other observers that Haile Mariam Dessalegn may try to implement a less repressive policy providing the opposition with some space for political expression. In effect, we saw some signs of reduced repression, for example the lifting of the ban on political demonstrations. We expected the next logical step, which should have been the freeing of unjustly jailed political prisoners. This next step did not come about; instead, the new prime minister saw his power curtailed by the unconstitutional addition of two deputy prime ministers whose obvious assignment is to make sure that decisions never divert from the wishes of the hegemonic party, namely, the TPLF. Though divided around different personalities, the TPLF still shows a remarkable determination to retain its hegemonic position at all costs. Consequently, even the baby steps toward relaxing repression are now reversed under various lame excuses. The outcome is a government without vision whose main purpose is to maintain the status quo through a weakened prime minister. I see no other reason for the violation of the constitution by the addition of deputy prime ministers than the fact that the new prime minister is not Tigrean.

The situation can only be described as a deadlock; it is moving neither forward nor backward. The only thing that can happen in a stalemate is a steady deterioration of the situation, with more and more Ethiopians becoming alienated and angry. Despite its illusion, this mediocre government, whose only expertise is corruption and repression, cannot stop this deterioration by itself. Deepening crises and finally popular uprisings are inevitable. And yet, though I energetically oppose the present government, I do not wish for the explosion of a generalized uprising. Not only I fear chaos, but also I am not convinced that the overthrow of this government will bring about democracy.

What I see, on the contrary, is either an uncontrollable irruption of violent social unrests exasperated by the government’s bloody repression or another form of dictatorship and revengeful policy against members of the ruling elites, their protégés, and those people perceived as ethnic foes, in the case where the present government collapses. I just don’t picture how democracy can come into being and grow on a soil poisoned by so much hostility, mutual suspicion, and exasperated ethnic divisions––some exhibiting secessionist tendencies––not to mention the abyssal divide between the haves and the have-nots. To direct this perilous situation toward a democratic process, Ethiopia needs a leader of the stature of Mandela, a condition that cannot be fulfilled any time soon.

The coming elections, some might say, could be a way out. Such is actually the expectations of all those opposing parties that have accepted the constitution and a non-violent approach. Unfortunately, even if the opposition does well in elections, the outcome will be a repeat of the 2005 election. I cannot picture the ruling party conceding even a modest place for the opposition in a political atmosphere where any gain of the opposition, however small, is perceived as having ominous consequences for the ruling elites. Let us not forget that what unites members of the ruling party is not shared appreciation, but survival, which is their only goal. So long as the ruling party is terrified by the prospect of losing power because it believes that the loss would certainly translate into a campaign of revenge and repression, this party cannot be expected to play fair in elections.

If popular uprisings or violent overthrow of the government are undesirable and elections are ineffective and if, on the other hand, there is a stalemate, what is then the way out? We must take here the bull by the horns and find a solution with a win-win outcome. I believe the formation of a government of national reconciliation to be such solution. It means a political arrangement in which the ruling party and the opposition parties participate, it is true unequally, in the same government. Obviously, the solution is not an ideal one, but it has the advantage of being affordable and, more importantly, of warding off dreadful consequences for everybody.

To the question of why it is the affordable solution, my answer has various facets. The one facet is that my proposal is logical or rational in that it is the only path that guarantees a win-win outcome for everybody. The process initiates a situation where the ruling elite is protected from all revengeful policy because it retains an appreciable power and the opposition can pressure for a change of policy that eases the glaring mistakes of the regime. In particular, the opposition gains the opportunity to freely organize without fear of repression. Because power is shared, it cannot be used to eliminate opponents. I add that there is no other way for the components of the EPRDF to lift the burden of the TPLF hegemony than to call for a government of reconciliation. The presence of opposition parties will force the TPLF to be more attentive to their viewpoints in order to prevail: their support becomes crucial and hence negotiable.

Doubtless, attempts to create governments in which ruling and opposition parties work together have failed in many countries. The reason seems obvious to me: many of these attempts were either imposed by patron countries or the existing government was in a weak position and needed to buy time to regain strength. The recent remarkable achievement of Tunisia confirms that a genuine willingness to include the opposition is the only way of moving toward a democratic path. After a bumpy road marred by assassination of opposition leaders followed by massive protests, the Tunisian prime minister announced the formation of a new government of technocrats. The decision was a clear concession to the secular and leftist oppositions whose main demand was the change of the pro-Islamist dominated government. This momentous concession led to the signing of a new constitution committed to a secular state and guaranteeing basic freedom and gender equality. “The constitution,” the assembly speaker said, “without being perfect, is one of consensus.” Contrast this outcome with that of Egypt: the refusal of the Morsi government to include the opposition in the political process despite large and violent protests demanding unity government only led to the ousting of the Islamist government by the military, which is but a serious setback in the democratization process.

Two major lessons can be drawn from the Tunisian experience. 1) There is no democracy without compromise with the opposition. The Leninist version still practiced by many African countries, including Ethiopia, and according to which democracy is the violent silencing of the “enemies of the people,” is diametrically opposed to the simple fact that democracy means the acceptance of participation in the political system of all those who have different programs from the ruling party. This same requirement applies to the opposition as well: opposing the government cannot mean the political exclusion of the ruling party by means of election or armed struggle under pain of adopting the Leninist version of democracy. 2) In the case of Ethiopia, which is entangled in the far more serious ethnic embroglios, the feasible solution is a government of national reconciliation, which government only works under the condition that all those concerned and especially the TPLF make the necessary concessions by themselves, that is, without external intervention. If it is imposed or accepted reluctantly, it will undoubtedly fail. As attested by the Tunisian case, the willingness to make it work must be equally present in all the parties. By will I understand a strong commitment emanating from well-thought out interests by all concerned, especially long–term interests. Simply put, it is a choice between dictatorial power––the severe downsides of which are blockage of development in all aspects of life and uncertainty with the constant danger of popular rebellion––and democracy with the promises of stability and the unleashing of the creative forces of the country. That is why I say it is a rational position.

I add that, on top of securing protection against revengeful policy, the TPLF can find another opportunity, no more to rule Ethiopia exclusively, but to become the patron of its democratization, a role that can be construed as a corrected continuation of the sacrifices paid to defeat the Derg. The perception by the people of the TPLF as a patron and protector of democracy is not only how it dissolves the popular resentment accumulated during two decades of repressive policy, but also how it acquires authority, as distinct from brute force, which authority can easily be used to build popular support within and outside Tigray.

A government of national reconciliation is by definition transitional; its main task is to create mutual confidence, realize some common goals achieved through consensus, define clearly the duties and rights of all participants, and ensure their protection by established institutions. Moreover, each time the government stumbles against a contentious issue that seems irreconcilable, it refrains from making any final decision. Instead, it agrees to put the matter to a popular vote as soon as conditions for fair debates and voting permit. How long this government of national reconciliation will last should also be a matter of agreement.

It follows that the immediate task of the government is not to organize elections; rather, it is to prepare the conditions of fair elections. To rush to elections without establishing the appropriate condition, especially the creation of an atmosphere of mutual confidence, is to invite the fear of “winner-take-all.” Elections must be organized only when all involved feel confident enough to no longer fear repression and revenge and when the country shows some sign of real development, not only for the few, but also for the many so that people see what is at stake when they cast their vote. The purpose of reconciliation is to create the hope for a better future for all involved and to get out of the present system in which the gains of some are built on the mistreatment of others.

Source: http://www.abugidainfo.com/index.php/22266/

ተልዕኳችን | Our Mission

“65 ፐርሰንት” ትርጉም? የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ 65 በመቶው እድሜያቸው ከ24 አመት በታች ነው። ተልዕኳችን ለመጪው ትውልድ የመግባባትን ፓለቲካ በአርአያነት ማውረስ ነው። ግባችን ለፓለቲካዊ እርቅና መግባባት መሟገትና ፋና ወጊ መሆን ነው።

What is “65 percent”? 65% of Ethiopia’s population is under 24 years old. Our mission is to model a culture of political concensus for the 65%. Our goal is to advocate for, and initiate reconciliation and consensus among Ethiopians.

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