Dec 19, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ዋለልኝና የድህረ አብዮቱ ትውልድ ሚና (ክፍል 2)

የድህረ አብዮቱ ትውልድ ከተማሪው ንቅናቄ አረጋውያን ትውልድ አንጻር ሚናው ምንድን ነው?

እንግዶቻችን፦ አቶ ተክለሚካኤል አበበ ከካናዳ ፣ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ለንጅሶ ከዩናይትድ ስቴትስ ፣ አቶ አሉላ ሰለሞን ከዩናይትድ ስቴትስ ፣ ዶ/ር ኢዮብ ገብረመስቀል ከእንግሊዝ አገር ናቸው።





Dec 11, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ዶ/ር ኡስማኤል ቋዳህ ፡ የኢትዮጵያ ሶማሌ ዶሞክራሲያዊ ሸንጎ ሊቀመንበር ( www.ethiosomali.com )

ፎረም 65 ከኢትዮጵያ ሶማሌ ዶሞክራሲያዊ ሸንጎ ሊቀመንበር ዶ/ር ኡስማኤል ቋዳህ ጋር ስለ ሶማሊ ፓለቲካና አጠቃላይ አገራዊ ጉዳዮች ላይ ቆይታ አድርገናል። ( www.ethiosomali.com )



Nov 1, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ሽምግልና፣ ዕርቅና መግባባት

ለኢትዮጵያ የፓለቲካ ቅራኔ መፍትሄው እርቅና መግባባት መሆኑን ከሚጠቁሙና ከዚያ አልፈው የሽምግልናና የማግባባት ስራ ከሚሰሩ ስብስቦች አንዱ "መግባባትን ገንቢ የኢትዮጵያውያን መድረክ" ነው። ዛሬ ከመድረኩ ሁለት አባላት በፎረም 65 ጋብዘናል።

እንግዶቻችን የ"መግባባትን ገንቢ የኢትዮጵያውያን መድረክ" ሰብሳቢ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ መንግስቱ እና የመድረኩ አባል ዶ/ር ገበየሁ እጂጉ ናቸው።





Oct 28, 2016

Oct 24, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ኢትዮጵያዊነት

ባለፉት 25 ዓመታት ኢሕአዴግ በብሄር ማንነቶች ላይ ትኩረት በማድረግ ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ችላ ብሏል የሚል ትችት በሰፊ ይሰማል። ፎረም 65 ኢትዮጵያዊነት ላይ ከሚያተኩሩ ስብስቦች ውስጥ ሁለት እንግዶች ጋብዘናል።



እንግዶቻችን ዶ/ር እርቁ ይመር "ኢትዮጵያዊነት የዜጎች መብት ማስከበሪያ ጉባኤ" ሊቀመንበር ፤ ዶ/ር ፍስሃ እሸቱ የ"አንድ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴ" አስተባባሪ ናቸው።










Oct 15, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ህወሓት፣ ትግራይና ዲያስፓራ

በዲያሥፓራ የሚኖሩ የትግራይ ክልል ተወላጆች የኢትዮጵያ ወቅታዊ ሕዝባዊ ተቃውሞዎችን አስመልክቶ በተከታታይ ያወጧቸውን መግላጫዎችን በሚመለከት ከአቶ በየነ ገብራይ እና አቶ የማነ ምትኩ ጋር ቆይታ አድርገናል።



[ማስተካከያ፦ አቶ በየነ ገብራይ የኢሮብ ብሄር ናቸው። በቅጂው ላይ አቶ በየነን ትግራዋይ የሚለው ኢሮብ በሚለው ይስተካከል። ከይቅርታ ጋር!]












Oct 7, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ሰላማዊ ትግል - ትርፍ ወይስ ኪሳራ?

የኢሬቻ በዓል ወቅት የብዙዎችን መሞትና መቁስል አስከትሎ የሰላማዊ ትግል አያዋጣንም የሚሉ እይታዎች እየተገለጹ ነው። "ሰላማዊ ትግል፦ ትርፍ ወይስ ኪሳራ?" በሚል ከአቶ አሰፋ ጫቦ፡ አቶ ፈቃደ ሸዋቀና እና አቶ ዳዊት ተሾመ ጋር ውይይት አድርገናል።








Oct 4, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ሞረሽ ወገኔ የዐማራ ድርጅት - አቶ ተክሌ ይሻው

በፎረም 65 ከአቶ ተክሌ ይሻው ጋር በዐማራ ሕዝብ ጥቅም፣ በዐማራ-ኦሮሞ አጋርነትና በዐማራነትና ኢትዮጵያዊነት ላይ አጭር ቆይታ አድርገናል። አቶ ተክሌ ይሻው የሞረሽ ወገኔ የዐማራ ድርጅት ሊቀመንበር ናቸው።



ስለድርጅቱ መረጃ ለማግኘት ድረገጹን ይጎብኙ፦ http://www.moreshwegenie.org/








Sep 20, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ሕዝባዊ ተቃውሞና ኢሕአዴግ (እንግዳ አቶ ግርማ ሰይፉ ማሩ)

ፎረም 65 ከአቶ ግርማ ሰይፉ ጋር በሕዝባዊ ተቃውሞዎች፣ በኢሕአዴግ ማብራሪያና የመፍትሄ ሃሳብ ላይ፤ እንዲሁም በራሳቸው የመፍትሄ ነጥቦች ላይ አጭር ቃለምልልስ አድርገናል። ያዳምጡት!

አቶ ግርማ የቀድሞ የአንድነት ለፍትህና ዴሞክራሲ ፓርቲ አመራር አባልና፡ እንዲሁም በተወካዮች ምክር ቤት የቀድሞ የህዝብ ተወካይ ናቸው።









Sep 16, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ አክቲቪስቶችና ፓለቲከኞቻችን - ከአቶ ሽመልስ ወርቅነህ

ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄው ከተቀጣጠለ አነሆ አመት አየተጠጋ ነው።  በተለይም በጉልህ የኦሮሞ ሞቭመንት አና የአማራው ሞቭመንት በመባል የሚታወቁት ሁለቱ  ንቅናቄዎች  ሚሊዮኖችን ያሳተፈ በመሆኑ ሕዝባዊነቱ ሌላ ማረጋገጫ አያስፈልገውም።  ወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ በሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄና በፖለቲካ ስልጣን ጥያቄ መካከል ያለው ልዩነትና ዝምድና ከባህርዩ የተነሳ ሊገነዘብ ባለመቻሉ ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄውን የጥቂት ፖለቲከኞች ወይም ጸረ ሰላም ሃይሎች አድርጎ በመቁጠር በተለመደ ጥቂቶችን የማጥፋት የጉልበት ስልቱ ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄውንም ለማዳፈን ደፋ ቀና እያለ ይገኛል። ይህም እኩይ ተግባሩ በየቀኑ ከሕዝብ አየነጠለው እነሆ አሁን ጠመንጃውን የሚያዙ ጥቂቶች አየተንገዋለሉ ይገኛሉ። 
በቲዎሪም ሆነ በተግባር ለወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ የሚቀርበው የሌኒን የአብዮት ቲዎሪ አብዮትን ለማምጣት የሚያስፈልጉ ሁኔታዎች ብሎ የገለጻቸው እንደ ቀድሞ መግዛት አለመቻልና ተገዥውም አነደቀድሞው ለመገዛት ፈቃደኛ አለመሆን የወቅቱ የሃገራችን ሁኔታ መገለጫ ነው።  ሌሎች ሁኔታዎች ማለትም በተለይ ህወሃት ኢሕአዴግ በራሱ ሊያመጣ የሚችለው ስር ነቀል ለውጥ አስከሌለ ድረስ አብዮቱ መምጣቱ አይቀርም የሚመጣው አብዮት ደግሞ የአረብ አብዮት ቢጫ፣ ብርቱካን፣ ሰማያዊ አብዮት አያለ ስራቱ የሕዝብን አንቅስቃሴ መገለጫዎችን የሚቀልድባቸው አይነቶች ሳይሆን ኢትዮጵያዊ አብዮት እንዲሆን የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶችና አክቲቪስቶች ከወዲሁ ሊያደርጉዋቸው የሚገቡ ተግባራት አንዳሉ ሁኔታዎች አያስገደዱ ናቸው ።
ብዙዎቻችን አንደምንረዳው ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴው ሞልቶ የገነፈለ የወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ አገዛዝ ብሶት የወለደው ንቅናቄ ነው።  የኦሮሞውም ሆነ የአማራው ንቅናቄ በሌሎች የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ላይ ስርዓቱ ከሚያደርሰው በደል ፈጽሞ የተለየ በመሆኑ ሳይሆን በፖለቲካ ብልጣብልጥነት በተለይ ህወሃት በማናለብኝነት በሕዝብ ትግል የተገኙ ድሎችን ሁሉ በችሮታ ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ የሰጠ አንደ ፈጣሪ አንተ ያመጣህልን አየተባለ አንዲኖር በዚህም ጥቂቶች ከአጋሮቻቸው ጋር በምግባረ ብልሹነት በሙስና በአጠቃላይም የመላው ሃገሪቱን  ፖለቲካ ኢኮኖሚ ጠቅልሎ በመያዝ የሚታየው ለከት የለሽ ዝርፊያ አልበቃ ብሎ ከማንኛውም አካባቢ በከፋ በሁለቱ ሕዝቦች ላይ አየፈጸመ ያለው ግድያ፣ አፈና እስርና እንግልት ያስመረረው መሆኑ ነው።  የንቅናቄው ጫሪ ምክንያትም ይህ ነው።  የአዺስ አበባ ማስተር ፕላንም ሆኑ የወልቃይት ጉዳይ ጫሪ ምክንያቶች አንጂ ዋነኛ ጉዳዮች አይደሉም።  ዛሬ ወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ እነዚህን ጉዳዮች በመፍታት ንቅናቀውን ለማፈን ደፋ ቀና እያለ ቢሆንም ሕዝባዊ አመጹ ከእንግዲህ የማይመለስበት ደረጃ ላይ ደርሷል።
የሕዝብ አንቅስቃሴ ይሄን አይነቱን ከፍተኛ ህይወትን ጭምር ለመስዋአትነት የሚዳርግ የሕዝብ ቁጣ ለዘመናት የተንከባለለ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ የፍትህ፣ የነጻነትና የእኩልነት የማንነትና የዜግነት ጥያቄዎች ያለመመለስ ምክንያቶች ናቸው።  ምንም እንኳን የሃገራችን ችግሮች ሁሉ ወያኔ ኢሕአዴግ የፈጠራቸው ናቸው ባይባልም ህወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ የነበሩትን ችግሮች መፍታት አለመቻሉ ብቻ ሳይሆን ችግሮቹን ለመፍታት የተነሳበት መነሻ ሃስቡና በተለይ ህወሃት ከነበረው አገራዊና በብሄር ጥያቄ ስም የተከተለው የጎጠኝነት ፖለቲካ በጎ ሰራሁ የሚላቸውን ነገሮች ሁሉ በበጎነት ሊወስድ የሚችል ትውልድ መፍጠር አለመቻሉ በተለይ በኦሮሞውም ሆነ በአማራው ንቅናቄ በፖለቲካ ፕሮፓጋንዳ የማይመለስ ትውልድ እያበበ መምጣቱን የምንመለከተው።
ከላይ ለመግለጽ አንደሞከርኩት ይህ ንቅናቄ በራሱ ብቻ የመጣ ነው ማለትም አይደለም ።  ባለፉት ፪፭ አመታት አየወደቁና አይተነሱ አስካሁን እዚህ የደረሱት የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ምንም እንኳን የራሳቸው ድክመቶች ቢኖራቸውም የሚያነሷቸው የሕዝብ ጥያቄዎችና ማታገያ መፈክሮች የሕዝቡን ንቃተ ህሊና በማዳበርና የትግል ተነሳሽነትን በመፍጠር ያበረከቱትን ድርሽ መካድ አይቻለም። የሚፈለገውን ያህል ጠንክረው ለእንዲህ አይነቱ እንቅስቃሴ የፖለቲካ አመራር ለመስጠት የሚያስችል ብቃት ባያገኙም ቢያንስ በሃገር ቤት በሰላማዊ ትግል ሲታገሉ የነበሩ ድርጅቶች ሕዝቡን በመቀስቀስና በማስተባበር አንዲሁም በሁለገብ አንታገላለን ያሉትም ቢያንስ ለመስዋአትነት ያላቸውን ቁርጠኝነት የወጣቱን ተነሳሽነት አጎልብቶታል። በዚህ መልኩ በኦሮሚያ የኦሮሞ ብሄራዊ ኮንግረስ፣ በአማራው መኢአድ፡ አንድነትና ኢዴፓ ይጠቀሳሉ። በትጥቅ ትግል እንሳተፋለን ያሉት አርበኞች ግንቦት 7 እና ኦነግ በትጥቅ ትግል ያሳዩት ውጤት ባይኖርም ወደ መጨረሽው ሕዝባዊ አመጽን አንደዋነኛ የትግል ስልት አድርገው መንቀሳቀሳቸው የወጣቱን የትግል ፍላጎት አነሳስቷል።
እንግዲህ ይህ ከሆነ ዛሬ የሚታየው ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄ አቅጣጫና አመራር በማን አጅ ነው ያለው? ወዴትስ ነው የሚወስደን? የሚለው ጥያቄ መመለስ ያለበትና የሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄው ፍሬያማ እንዲሆን በግልጽና በድፍረት መነካት ያለበት ጥያቄ ይሆናል ።  ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄውን በማስተባበርና በመምራት ረገድ አክቲቪስቶችና ፖለቲከኞች አየተናበቡ ነው ወይ የሚለው ወቅታዊ ጥያቄ መነሳት አለበት። በተለያዩ ማህበራዊ ሚዲያዎች ላይ የተለያዩ አክቲቪስቶች የሚሰጡዋቸውን መግለጫዎች ለምንከታተል ሰዎች አልፎ አልፎ ግራ የሚያጋቡ ነገሮችም ይስተዋላሉ።  አንዳንዶቻችን በአሁኑ ወቅት ወያኔ አሕአዴግን ከመጣል ባሽገር ይህን መሰል ጥያቀዎችን ማቅረብ በራሱ የፖለቲካ አቋም መመዘኛም አያደረግነው ነው።  ይህ ደግሞ መሰረታዊ ጥያቄና በኢትዮጵያ ዘመናዊ ፖለቲካ ታሪክ የብዙሃንን ህይወት የቀጠፉ የለውጥ ሂደቶች የታየ መሰረታዊ ጉድለቶቻችን ናቸው።  
አጼውን መጣል አንጂ ስለሚከተለው ዝግጅት አልነበረም፤ ደርግን መጣል አንጂ ስለሚከተለው ማንም አላሰበውም። አሁንም አንዳንዶች ወያኔን መጣል አንጂ የሚከተለውን ማሰቡ አስፈላጊ አለመሆኑን በማስፈራራት ጭምር (“ይህን ካነሳህ ወያኔ ነህ” አይነት ፖለቲካ ሲያራምዱ ይታያሉ)። በየቀኑ በመላ ሃገሪቱ በአምባገነኑ ስርዓት የሚፈሰው ደም ክቡርነትን የምናረጋግጠውና የትግሉንም ሕዝባዊነት የሚወስነው በሚሞቱት ወገኖቻችን ቁጠር መብዛትና ማነስ ሳይሆን የያንዳንዱን መስዋአት ከፋይ ዜጋ ህይወት በከንቱ አለማለፉን ስናረጋግጥ ነው።  በሞት ከሆነ አስከዛሬ በሃገራችን ለውጥን ለማምጣት የተከፈለውን ህይወት መለስ ብሎ ማየት ያስፈልጋል። በተለይም በደርግ ዘመን ያለቀን ትውልድና አስካሁንም በዚህ ስርዓት ያለቀውን ትውልድ ማስታወስ ያስፈልጋል ።  የሚከፈለው መስዋአትነት ወደ ትክክለኛ ግብ ሊያደርስ የሚችል መሆኑን ማረጋገጥ አስፈላጊ የሚሆነው ለዚህ ነው።
ዛሬ በአማራውም ሆነ በኦሮሞያ በዚህ ጨፍጫፊ ስርዓት የሚሞቱት ህጻናትና ወጣቶች ክቡር ህይወትን ክቡርነት የሚያረጋግጥ ሃላፊነትን የሚወስድ ሃይል መኖር አንዳለበት ግልጽ ነው።  ምንም እንኳን እስካሁን ሕዝባዊ እንቅሳሴውን መርቶ ወደተፈለገው አቅጣጫ ለማድረስ የተዘጋጀ ሃይል ስብስብ ባይኖርም እስከምናውቀው ሁለት የንቅናቄ ሃይሎች ማለትም ኦሮሞ ሞቭመንት አና አምራ ሞቭመንት የሚሉ የአክቲቪስቶች ስብስብ ዋነኛውን ቦታ ይዞ አንደሚገኝ አጠያያቂ አይደለም ።  እነዚህም በኦሮሞውም ሆነ በአማራ ውስጥ የነበሩ ባለፉት አመታት የነበሩ የተበታተኑ አክቲቪስቶች በሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴው ገፊነት የተፈጠሩ ለመሆናቸው ጥያቄ የለውም ።  በዳበረ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ አክቲቪስቶች በስልጣን ላይ ያለን መንግስት ወይም ስርዓት ያወጣቸው ፖሊሲዎችና ህጎች አንዲለወጡ የሚፈልጉ ለለውጡም ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴ ውስጥ የሚሳተፉ ዜጎች ናችው።  በፖለቲካ ሳይንስ ተንታኞች ሶስት አይነት አክቲቪስቶች አሉ።
  1. Past oriented or Reactionary activism የዚህ አይነቱ አክቲቪዝም  ጉልበተኞችና ስልጣን ላላቸው በመወገን ያለው አንዲቀጥል በደካሞች ላይ የገዥዎች ጭቆና አንዲቀጥል የሚያበረታቱ ወይም የሚረዱ ወይም  ያለፈ ታሪክ ላይ ብቻ ያተኮረ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰብና የለውጥ ሃሳብ የሚያራምዱ ናቸው።  በሃገራችን ለምሳሌ ባይበሉም  ሆዳሞች የምንላቸው አይነቶች
  2. Present oriented Activism የዚህ አይነቱ አክቲቪስም የፖሊሲ ለውጥን ግቡ ያደረገ በሌላ በኩል በስርዓቱ ውስጥ መሻሻል አለባቸው ብለው የሚያምኑባቸው ጉዳዮች ላይ አጥብቀው የሚሟገቱ በሌላ በኩል ጥገናዊ ለውጥን አንደመፍት ሄ የሚያቀርቡ በሃገራችን ጎልቶ የማይታይና በሁለቱም በኩል የሚመጡ
  3. Future oriented Activism የዚህ አይነቱ አክቲቪስም የፖሊሲ ለውጥ ብቻ ሳይሆን የማህበረሰባዊ ግንኙነት ለውጥ፣ የስርዓት ለውጥ እንዲኖር የሚታገሉ ናቸው።  በሃገራችን  አሁን ባለው ፖለቲካ ይሄ ክፍል ይበዛል፤ በተለይ በዲያስፖራው ጎልተው የሚታዩ።
እዚህ ላይ በፖለቲከኞችና በአክቲቪስቶች መካከል ያለውን ግንኙነትና ልዩነት ማየቱ ለበለጠ ግንዛቤ ይረዳል። ፖለቲከኞች እንደየሃገሩ ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ በሃይልም ይሁን በምርጫ የመንግስትን ስልጣን ይዘው የተወሰነ አይዲዮሎጂን በመከተል ይሁን በተግባር ለመተርጎም ወይም እፈጽማለሁ ብለው ቃል የገቡትን ሃሳብ በተግባር ለማዋል የሚፈልጉ ግለሰቦች ወይም ቡድኖች (የፖለቲካ ድርጅት) እና ፖለቲከኞች የሚፈልጉትን ለማግኘት አስተሳሰብን በመቀየር በመግባባት በመስማማት  compromiose በማድረግ ወይም አንደ ህወሃት/ኢሕአዴግ ስብስቦች በጉልበት የሚፈልጉትን ያስፈጽማሉ።
አክቲቭስቶች ግን አላማቸው ስልጣን ለመያዝ ሳይሆን የህብረተሰቡ ህይወት ላይ ለውጥ ሊያመጡ የሚችሉ አስተሳሰቦች ፖሊሲዎች አንዲቀረጹና የቡድን ወይም የተወሰነ ህብረተሰብ ክፍል ብሶትና ጥያቄ በመቀስቀስ ለአፈጻጸሙ የተለያዩ የሰላማዊ ትግል ስልቶችን በመጠቅም ለተግባራዊነቱ ይታገላሉ። ለዚህም ነው አንዳንድ ጊዜ  “Poletician get activists to do their dirty jobs” የሚባለው።
ሰሞኑን በኦ.ኢም.ኤን ሬዲዮና በፌስ ቡክ ቀርበው የነበሩ ሁለት አክቲቪስቶች ውስጥ በኦሮሞ ፕሮተስት ትልቁን ሚና አየተጫወተ ያለው ጀዋር አሁን የሚታየውን ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴ አስመልክቶ እንቅስቃሴው ወዴት አንደሚያመራ ለቀረበለት ጥያቄ የስጠው መልስ ይህን በሚገባ የሚያሳይ ለመሆኑ “ ወዴት እንደሚያመራ የሚመልሱት የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች መሆናቸውንና አማራውም ሆነ ኦሮሞው  በመጀመሪያ በራሱ ውስጥ የሚታዩትን ችግሮች መፍታት አንዳለበት” የሚያመለክተው አነጋገሩ የአክቲቪስትነትን ተልዕኮ በሚገባ ያመለክታል።  ለዚህም ነው አንዳንድ ወሳኝ የሆኑ ከንቅናቀው ጋር የተያያዙ ጥያቄዎች ገና ባየር ላይ ያሉ መሆናቸውን የምንረዳው። በእርግጥም ዛሬ በሃገራችን ያለውን ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴ ውስጥ ገብቶ አመራር ለመስጠት እየሞከረ ያለው አክቲቪስቱ አንደሆነ ለመረዳት አያስቸግርም።
ሃገራችን የአክቲቪስቶች ሃብታም ናት፤ የፖለቲከኞች ደሃ መሆናችን ግን መጠራጠር አይቻልም ።  ድህነትና ባለጠግነት ባለህ መጠን ብቻ የሚለካ ሳይሆን ኖሮህም መኖርን ሳታቅበት የምትኖር ከሆንክ ከደሃው አትሻልም።
አንዳንድ ወገኖች አሁንም የሃገራችን  ሁኔታ ይህን ጥያቄ ማስተናገድ የለበትም ሁሉም በአንድ ላይ ሆኖ ወያኔን የማስወገድ ተልዕኮ አስካለው ድረስ በፈለገው አቅጣጫ መሄድ ይችላል የሚለው የያንዳንዱን ህይወት ከፋይ ዜጋ ክቡር ህይወት ግምት ውስጥ የማያስገባ በተወሰኑ የስርዓት ለውጥ ፈላጊ አክቲቪስቶችና አንዳንድ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ሲንጸባረቅ መታየቱ ነው።  ይህን ጥያቄ መመለስ አለመቻሉ ነው የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶቻችን በጋራ አምባገነኑን ስርዓት አንዳይታገሉ ህብረተስባችንም በስልጣን ላይ ካለው አምባገነን መንግስት የተሻለ የሕዝብን አንድነት ፍቅር መተሳሰብና ልዩነቶቹን አቻችሎ ሊመራው የሚችል በየፊናው  በመግለጫ የሚያለቅስለት ሳይሆን በተግባር የተሳሰረ ኦሮሞ ኢትዮጵያዊ፣ አማራ አትዮጵያዊ፣ ትግሬ አትዮጵያዊ፣ ሶማሌ ኢትዮጵያዊ ቀለም ያለው የፖለቲካ ሃይል የሚናፍቀውና ይህን አስከሚያገኝ በጥርጣሬ ህይወት የሚያደርገው ብልጭ ድርግም ንቅናቄ ምክኛቱ ይኽው ነው።  ለዚህም ሃገራችን በቁጠር ብዙ ፖለቲከኞች ቢኖራትም የፖለቲከኞች ደሃ ነን የሚያሰኘው።  
ፓለቲከኛነት የምታምንበትን አላማ ወይም ለሕዝብ የገባሀውን ቃል (በጠመንጃ ሳይሆን) ከሕዝብ በሚሰጥህ ስልጣን ተጠቅመህ በመንግስታዊ ተቋም አምካይነት የማስፈጸም አቅም መገንባት ነው። ዛሬ ያሉን የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች አላማቸውን ለሕዝብ አቅርበው ሕዝብ ሊዳኛቸው የሚችልበት ስርዓት ስለሌለን ትግሉ ያንን ስርዓት ለማምጣት አንደሆነ አይካድም። ያንን ስርዓት ደግሞ ለማምጣት ወደፊት ሊፈጽሟቸው የተዘጋጁባቸው ተግባሮችን ያሰፈሩት በፕሮግራሞቻቸው ነው።  አንዳንድ የማይናቅ   ድጋፍ  ያላቸው  የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ደግሞ ፕሮግራም የሌላቸውና በንቅናቄ ደረጃ የሚጠሩ መሆናቸው ግልጽ ነው።  እንግዲህ እዚህ ላይ ነው የዛሬ ሃያ አመት ወይም ሰላሳ አመት የያዙትን የፖለቲካ አቋምና አቋማቸውን ሊፈጥር የቻለውን የህብረተሰቡን ፖለቲካዊ  ማህበራዊና አኮኖሚያዊ አደረጃጀት ከነባራዊ ሁኔታ ጋር አጣጥሞ የጋራ ስርዓት ለመገንባት የሚያስችል የጋራ መታገያ አጀንዳና ራዕይ አስከሌለ የመተባበርና የትግል አጋርነት አንደናፈቀን ያለው።
አክቲቨስቶቻችን የያዙት የአማራና የኦሮሞ ወይም የሌላው ንቅናቄ መተባበር ውጠቱ ስርዓቱን ለመጣል ከሚደረግ የታክቲክ ጥያቄ የዘለለ አስካሁን በፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ሰፊ የልዩነት ፕሮግራም ላይ የጠበበ በጋራ ሊያሰራ የሚችል ሃስብ መምጣት የነበረበት ከፖለቲካ ድርጅቶቹ ነው።  ጃዋር እንዳለውም ሃላፊነቱ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶቹ ከሆነ ለዚህ ሕዝባዊ ንቅናቄ የጋራ አመራር ሊሰጥ የሚችል የፖለቲካ ሃይል በዚህ ጊዜ ውስጥ መታየት ነበረበት ።  አንዳንዶች ወስጥ ለውስጥ አየሰራን ነው ቢሉም ግንቦት ሰባትና ኦ.ዲ.ኤፍ የጋራ የትግል ህብረት መመስረታቸውን መግለጻቸው የአማራውንና የኦሮሞውን ትግል የማቀናጀት እርምጃ ተደርጎ ሊወሰድ የሚችል አይደለም። በነዚህ ድርጅቶችና በሕዝባዊ ንቅናቀዎቹ መካከል ያለው መተሳሰር ምን ያህል እንደሆነ ለማወቅ ቢያስቸግርም የሃገራችን የፖለቲካ ችግር በሁለቱ ድርጅቶች መስማማት ይቋጫል ማለት አንዳልሆነ ግልጽ ነው።  
ጅምራቸው ግን አጅግ ሊበረታታና የጎደላቸውን ለማሙዋላት ከሚደረግ ጥረት እነሱንም ለማፍረስ የምንጥር ከሆነ አላማችን የሕዝብን ችግር የመፍታት ጥያቄ ሳይሆን ችግር ፈጣሪዎች መሆናችንን የሚያመለክት ነው። ማንኛውም የመተባበር ጥያቄ ፍሬያማነት ወደፊት የምንመሰርታት ሃገር የማነች የሚለውን ጥያቄ በሚገባ ማሳየት መቻሉ ወሳኝነት አለው።  የቁጥር ትልቅነትና ትንሽነት በማህበራዊ አስተዋጿችን ላይና በጥቅም ተካፋይነት ላይ የሚኖረንን የተጠቃሚነት ወይም የተሳትፎ መጠንን የሚያመለክት አንጂ የሰው ልጅነትና እንደሰው በሚያስፈልጉ ነጻነቶች ላይ ገደብ ሊኖረው እንደማይችል እሙን ነው። የአማራውና የኦሮሞው ቁጥር መብዛት መታየት ያለበትም ከዚያው አንጻር ነው።  አምባገነኑ ስርዓት በሁሉም ህብረተሰብ ላይ የሚያደርሰው በደል መገለጫ በግለሰቦች ላይ የሚያደርሰው በደል ነው።  የወደፊቱ ኢትዮጵያም የማንኛውንም ግለሰብ ህልውናና መብት ማስከበር ቀዳሚ ተግባር መሆኑን መተማመን ካለ ሕዝብ ወደ ትግሉ ይበልጥ ይቀላቀላል።
አንዳንድ አክቲቪስቶቻችን አስካሁን ይጓዙ የነበረበትን በአስገዳጅ ሁኔታዎችም ጭምር የቡድን ብቻ አስተሳሰብ ወጣ እያሉና ወደ አጠቃላይ ህብረተሰብ ችግር አፈታት ውስጥ እየገቡ ያሉ ቢሆንም በፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ሊረዱና ሊታገዙ እስካልቻሉ ድረስ ትግሉን ውስብስብ ያደርገዋል።  አክቲቭስቶች ቀጥታ ለፖለቲካ ስልጣን የሚታገሉ ባይሆንም ወደፊት የፖለቲካ ስልጣን ለመያዝ የሚያስችል ፍላጎት ወይም እድል የላቸውም ማለት አይደለም ።  በዚህም ሁኔታ በህብረተሰቡ ዘንድ ያላቸውን ተቀባይነት ወይም ታዋቂነት ከፍ ከፍ ለማድረግ አይጥሩም ማለት አይደለም ።  በተለይ እንደኛ ሃገር ጠንካራ መሪዎችና ባብዛኛው ህብረተሰብ ዘንድ ተቀባይነት ያላቸው መሪዎች ጎልተው በማይወጡበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ ወይም አክቲቪስቱና ፖለቲከኛው በተደበላለቀበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ ወይም ሚናቸው ተለይቶ በማይታይበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ እያንዳንዱ አክቲቪስት የሚሰጠው አመራር ሁነታዎችን ከቁጥጥር ውጭ እንዳያደርግ መጠንቀቅ አስፈላጊ ይሆናል።
በመሰረቱ በሃገሩ ጉዳይ ጊዜውን ጉልበቱን አቅሙን ገንዘቡን ሁሉ መስዋአት በማድረግ በሚችለው መስክ ሁሉ ድርሻውን የሚያበረክት ሁሉ አክቲቪስት ነው።  የተወሰኑ የሚዲያ ያገኙ ብቻ አክቲቪስት ናቸው ማለትም አይደለም። አልፎ አልፎ (እንደማአረግ አየሰጠን ነው ያለነው) ሚዲያ ላይ የቀረበ ሁሉ የሚያቀርበው ሃሳብ የሃገርን ችግር መፍጤ ይሰጣል ማለትም አይደለም።  ለዚህ ነው የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች የተለያዩ አክቲቪስቶችን ሃሳብ አመለካከት አሰባሳቢ የሆነ የፖለቲካ ማታገያና መታገያ ሃስብ ዪዘው መቅረብ የሚገባቸው።
በፖለቲካ ውስጥ ዋስትና የለም፣ ፓለቲካ ዳይናሚክ ነው የሚባለውም ለዚሁ ነው።  የፖለቲካ ዳይናሚዝም ግን በየሳምንት ሃሳብን መቁዋጠሪያ በሌለው መገለባበጥ የሚገለጽም አይደለም ።  ቢያንስ መሰረታዊ በሆኑ ጉዳዮች ላይ የጸና አቋም ሊታይ ይገባል።  የሰው መገደልን ዛሬ በምክንያት አስደግፈህ ማስተባበልና ነገ ደግሞ በምክንያት አስደግፈህ መቃውም የፖለቲካ አቋም ዳይናሚዝም አይደለም።  ይህ መሰረታዊ ጤናማ አዕምሮ ከመጀመሪያው ሊያወግዘው የሚገባ አቋም ነው።  የፖለቲካ  ዳይናሚዝም በሕዝቦች አስተሳሰብና አመለካከት ላይ ተመስርቶ የሚመጣ የግለሰብ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰብ ለውጥም ነው።  ዛሬ የአማራና የኦሮሞ ሞቭመንት በሕዝብ አመለካከት ላይ የተፈጠረ የአስተሳሰብ ለውጥ ነው።  ከአክቲቪስችንም ከዚህ ዳይናሚዝም ጋር አብሮ የአስተሳሰብ ለውጥ ማምጣት የሚጠበቅ ነው።  የአስተሳሰብ ለውጡን ደግሞ በስርዓትና ወጥነት ባለው አክሄድ ወደግቡ አንዲያመራ ግቡን ማሳየት  ፡ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶችና ፖለቲከኖች ተግባር ነው።
በአቶ ሽመልስ ወርቅነህ

Sep 12, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ለምን?

በዐማራ ብሔርተነት ላይ በማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ከሚጽፉ ወጣቶች ውስጥ አቶ አያሌው መንበርን እና አቶ ሙሉቀን ተስፋው ጋር በፎረም 65 ላይ "የዐማራ ብሔርተኝነት ለምን?" በሚል አጭር ቆይታ አድርገናል።








Aug 25, 2016

Aug 17, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ኢትዮጵያ በጎልማሳ ወጣቶች ዕይታ (ክፍል 2)

ፎረም 65 ከኢትዮጵያውያን ጎልማሳ ወጣቶች ጋር ስለኢትዮጵያ ፓለቲካ፣ ኢኮኖሚና የወደፊት ተስፋቸው አጭር ጥያቄና መልስ አዘጋጅቷል። ያድምጡት! (ጎልማሳ ወጣቶች እድሚያቸው በሃያዎቹና በሰላሳዎቹ መጀመሪያ ሚገኙ ናቸው።)








Aug 12, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ "ሸንጎ" በእርቅና መግባባት ላይ (እንግዳ አቶ አክሊሉ ወንዳፈረው) በፌስቡክ ቀጥታ የተቀዳ

የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የጋራ ትግል ሸንጎ በእርቅና መግባባት ላይ ያለውን እይታ ከተወካዩ አቶ አቶ አክሊሉ ወንዳፈረው ጋር በፌስቡከ ቀጥታ ውይይት አድርገናል። ስለሸንጎ ተጨማሪ መረጃ ለማግኘት http://www.ethioshengo.org/ ይጎብኙ።







Aug 3, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ኢትዮጵያ በጎልማሳ ወጣቶች ዕይታ (ክፍል 1)

ፎረም 65 ከኢትዮጵያውያን ጎልማሳ ወጣቶች ጋር ስለኢትዮጵያ ፓለቲካ፣ ኢኮኖሚና የወደፊት ተስፋቸው አጭር ጥያቄና መልስ አዘጋጅቷል። ያድምጡት! (ጎልማሳ ወጣቶች እድሚያቸው በሃያዎቹና በሰላሳዎቹ መጀመሪያ ሚገኙ ናቸው።)







Jul 31, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ «ለትግራይ ልጆች የቀረበ ጥሪ»

አቶ ዮሃንስ በርሄ "A call to the true sons and daughters of Tigray", "ለእውነተኛ የትግራይ ልጆች የቀረበ ጥሪ" በሚለው ጽሁፋቸው ላይ ከፎረም 65 ጋር አጭር ቆይታ አድርገዋል።

(ጽሁፉ፦ http://www.ethiomedia.com/1012pieces/5817.html )





Jul 27, 2016

Jul 22, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ በእርቅና መግባባት ላይ ከዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና ጋር ቃለምልልስ

በእርቅና መግባባት ላይ ከዶ/ር መረራ ጉዲና፡ የኦሮሞ ፌደራላዊ ኮንግረስ ሊቀመንበር፡ ጋር በሚከተሉት ጥያቄዎች ላይ ቃለምልልስ አድርገናል። ያድምጡት!



- አገራዊ እርቅና መግባባት ለምን?

- ለኢሕአዴግ ዋስትና ትሰጣላችሁ?

- ተቃዋሚው በምን ላይ ይግባባ?

- ኦሮሞና አማራ ሊሂቃን በምን ይግባቡ?








Jul 20, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የአማራ ጉዳዮች (እንግዳ አቶ ንጉሱ ጥላሁን)

በአማራ ጉዳዮች ላይ ከአቶ ንጉሱ ጥላሁን፡ የአማራ ብሄራዊ ክልል ኮሚኒኬሽን ጽ/ቤት ዳይሬክተር ጋር የተደረገ ቃለምልልስ።



- የአማራ ህዝብ ጥቅም ምንድን ነው?

- በአማራነት መደራጀት ችግር አለው?

- የአማራ ብሄርተኝነት ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ይጎዳልን?

- ስለሚፈናቀሉ አማራዎች ብአዴን ምን እየሰራ ይገኛል?










Jul 17, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የጎንደር ጉዳይ በትግራዋይ ዕይታ

አቶ ናትናኤል አስመላሽ እና አቶ አሉላ ሰለሞን በጎንደር የተከሰተውን ጉዳይ መንስኤውና መፍትሄው ላይ ውይይት አድርገናል። 1. በጎንደር የሆነውን ክስተት እንዴት አዩት? 2. መንስዔው ምንድን ነው ብለው ያስባሉ? 3. ከዚህ ወዴት መሄድ አለብን ብለው ያምናሉ?








Jul 12, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ልማትና ዋጋው (ክርክር)

ለልማት ምን ያህል ዋጋ እንክፈል? አቶ ገረሱ ቱፋ እና አቶ አሉላ ሰለሞን በጉዳዩ ላይ ይከራከራሉ።

ከመንግስት የልማት ዕቅድ የተነሳ እስከ ዛሬ ዜጎች የሚከፍሉት ዋጋ (ለምሳሌ፦ የእርሻ መሬት ለፋብረካ መፈለጉ፤ ያለፈቃድ የተሰሩ ቤቶች መፍረስ እና የመሳሰሉት ጉዳዮች) የኢትዮጵያን የፍብረካ ኢኮኖሚ ዘርፍ ለማስፋፋት የሚመጥኑ መስዋዕትነት ናቸው ወይስ አይደሉም?






Jun 29, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ እርቅ፡ ይቅርታና ምህረት (ዶ/ር ጸጋዬ ረጋሳ አራርሳ)

የኢትዮጵያ የፓለቲካ ቅራኔ መፍትሄው ህዝባዊ አመፅም ሆነ ትጥቅ ትግል አይደለም የምንል ወገኖች የአገራዊ እርቅና መግባባትን መንገድ እንደ አበይት መፍትሄ እየጠቆምን ነው።

"ለምጣዱ ሲባል አይጧ ትለፍ" እንደሚባለው ማለት ነው።

በዚህ ውይይት amnesty እና pardon በእርቅ ሂደት ውስጥ ያላቸውን ቦታ በጽንሰ ሃሳብ ደረጃ ከዶ/ር ጸጋዬ ረጋሳ አራርሳ ጋር እንዳሣለን።

[ማሳሰቢያ፦ ይህ ውይይት ምንኛውንም በመንግስት ሃላፊነት ላይ የነበረም ሆነ ያለን ሰው ወንጀለኛ ነው/ናት ብሎ አይፈርጅም፥ አልፈረጀምም። ውይይቱ ፅንሰ ሃሳባዊ ዳሰሳ ብቻ ነው። ወንጀለኛነት ሚወሰነው በፍርድ ቤት ነው።]






Jun 27, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ አቶ ነጌሳ ኦዶ (ኦፌኮ)

የፎረም 65 ዝግጅት እንግዳችን የኦሮሞ ፌደራሊስት ኮንግረስ አለማቀፍ ድጋፍ ሰጪ ቡድን ሊቀመንበር አቶ ነጌሳ ኦዶ ነው። አቶ ነጌሳ ጋር ስለ ኦፌኮ እና ወቅታዊ አገራዊ ጉዳዮች ውይይት አድርገናል።








Jun 23, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ለምጣዱ ሲባል አይጧ ትለፍ (እንግዳ፦ ዶ/ር አባድር ኢብራሂም)

የኢትዮጵያ የፓለቲካ ቅራኔ መፍትሄው ህዝባዊ አመፅም ሆነ ትጥቅ ትግል አይደለም የምንል ወገኖች የአገራዊ እርቅና መግባባትን መንገድ እንደ አበይት መፍትሄ እየጠቆምን ነው።



"ለምጣዱ ሲባል አይጧ ትለፍ" እንደሚባለው ማለት ነው።



በዚህ ውይይት amnesty እና pardon በእርቅ ሂደት ውስጥ ያላቸውን ቦታ በጽንሰ ሃሳብ ደረጃ ከዶ/ር አብድር ጋር እንዳሣለን።



[ማሳሰቢያ፦ ይህ ውይይት ምንኛውንም በመንግስት ሃላፊነት ላይ የነበረም ሆነ ያለን ሰው ወንጀለኛ ነው/ናት ብሎ አይፈርጅም፥ አልፈረጀምም። ውይይቱ ፅንሰ ሃሳባዊ ዳሰሳ ብቻ ነው። ወንጀለኛነት ሚወሰነው በፍርድ ቤት ነው።]








Jun 16, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ፓለቲካችን ከዚህ ወዴት?

ከኢሕአዴግ በስልጣን 25 አመታት መቆየትና የተቃዋሚዎች የ25 ዓመታት ውጤት አልባነት ስሜት ጋር ተደምሮ መሰረታዊ ጥያቅዎች እየተነሱ ነው። ጥያቄዎቹ ተቃዋሚው ራሱን ይፈትሽ፥ ቅደም ተከተሉን ይመርምር፥ ጉልበቱና ትኩረቱን በጥንቃቄ ይጠቀም የሚሉ ናቸው።



እነዚህን ጥያቄዎች ያነሱ ሁለት የፌስቡክ ተሳታፊዎችን ጋብዘናል። እንግዶቻችን ዶ/ር ብርሃነመስቀል አበበ ሰኚ ከዩናይትድ ስቴትስ እና ዶ/ር ደረጀ ገረፋ ቱሉ ከኢትዮጵያ ናቸው።








Jun 14, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ሃርቤ እና ኮሮጆ

በፍረም 65 እንግዶቻችን በፓልቶክ ከተቃዋሚ ክፍሎች አንዱና ተዋደጃ የሆነው የ"ቃሌ ኢትዮጵያውያን መወያያ መድረክ" (Qale Ethiopian Discussion Forum 1) መደበኛ አወያይ ከሆኑት ከኮሮጆ ኢትዮጵያ እና ከሃርቤ ጋር ነው።



ውይይታችን በአጠቃላይ የፓለቶክን ሚና፡ የቃሌን የውይይት ትኩረቶች፡ እንዲሁም በአገራዊ መግባባት ላይ ፓልቶክ ሊያደርግ የሚችለውን ድርሻ ከእንግዶቻችንን ጋር እንወያያለን።








Jun 9, 2016

May 25, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የፓልቶክ ሚናና አገራዊ መግባባት (እንግዶች፦ ሎሬትና ኢዛና)

"የፓልቶክ ሚናና አገራዊ መግባባት" በሚል ርዕስ ውይይት እናደርጋለን። እንግዳ ተሳታፊዎቻችን አቶ ሸመልስ በዛብህ (የፓልቶክ መጠሪያ "ሎሬትፀጋዬ") እና አቶ እስራኤል ገደቡ (የፓልቶክ መጠሪያ "ኢዛና") ናቸው።








May 24, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የሁለት ትግራዋይ እይታዎች - ክፍል 2

በፎረም65 ሁለት ሳምንታት በፊት ሜይ 3፣ 2016 እ.አ.አ "በዲያስፓራ የትግራይ ጥላቻ አለን?" በሚል ርዕስ ተወያይተን ነበር። ውይይቱ በድረገፃችን www.65Percent.org ላይ ይገኛል። የውይይቱ ጉዳይ ላይ የትግራዋይ እይታም መደመጥ አለበት ብለን ስለምናምን ዛሬ ሁለት ትግራዋይ ወገኖቻችንን በፎረም65 ለውይይት ጋብዘናል። እንግዶቻችን አቶ ግደይ ዘራፅዮን ከኖርዌይ እና አቶ አብርሃም አሰፋ ከኢትዮጵያ ናቸው።










May 20, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የሁለት ትግራዋይ እይታዎች - ክፍል 1

በፎረም65 ሁለት ሳምንታት በፊት ሜይ 3፣ 2016 እ.አ.አ "በዲያስፓራ የትግራይ ጥላቻ አለን?" በሚል ርዕስ ተወያይተን ነበር። ውይይቱ በድረገፃችን www.65Percent.org ላይ ይገኛል። የውይይቱ ጉዳይ ላይ የትግራዋይ እይታም መደመጥ አለበት ብለን ስለምናምን ዛሬ ሁለት ትግራዋይ ወገኖቻችንን በፎረም65 ለውይይት ጋብዘናል። እንግዶቻችን አቶ ግደይ ዘራፅዮን ከኖርዌይ እና አቶ አብርሃም አሰፋ ከኢትዮጵያ ናቸው።








May 16, 2016

May 11, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የአቶ በቀለ ገርባ ክስ (እንግዳ ተሳታፊ፦ አቶ እሸቱ ሆማ) ክፍል 1

መንግስት በአቶ በቀለ ገርባ ላይ የመሰረታቸው ክሶችን ምንድን ናቸው? አቶ በቀለ ገርባ ከዚህ በፊት 4 ዓመታት ታስረው ነበር። ያሁኑን ክስ ልዩ ሚያደርገው ነገር አለ?

ክስ የተመሰረተባቸው አቶ በቀለ ገርባና አቶ ዮናታን ተስፋዬ ረጋሳና ሌሎች ዜጎች ጉዳይ ባጠቃላይ ስለመንግስት ባህሪ ምን ያመለክታል? ተከሳሽሾች ከኦሮሞነታቸው የተነሳ ብቻ ነው የታሰሩት ሚለው ትችት መሰረት አለውን? በተለይ አቶ ዮናታንን ከኦነግ ጋር የሚያገናኝ ክስ ተመስርቷል። አቶ ዮናታን ግን የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባል ነው። ይሄንን እንዴት ታዩታላችሁ?

የዛሬው የፎረም65 ውይይት እንግዳ ተሳታፊያችን አቶ እሸቱ ሆማ አገራዊ ጉዳዮች ላይ በፌስቡክ በሰፊው ከሚሳተፉ ወገኖች አንዱ ነው። አቶ እሸቱ የህግ ባለሙያ ነው።






May 3, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ አለመግባባት በዲያስፓራ (እንግዳ ተሳታፊ፦ አቶ ግርማ ጉተማ) - ክፍል 2

በዲያስፓራ ትግራይ ላይ ያነጣጠረ ጥላቻ አለን? ተቃዋሚዎች የትግራይ ሕዝብ የከፈለውን መስዋዕትነት ያረክሳሉን? የትግራዋይ ድምጽ በብዛት በተቃዋሚነት ማይሰማው ህወሃት ከሚያደርስባቸው ቁጥጥርና እንዲሁም ከድህነት የተነሳ ነውን?








Apr 26, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ዶሮና አለመግባባት በዲያስፓራ (እንግዳ ተሳታፊ፦ አቶ ግርማ ጉተማ) ክፍል 1

የዶሮ እርባታ አክሲዮን የፈጠረው ውዝግብ ለዱያስፓራ ፓለቲካዊ አለመግባባት ሌላ ማስረጃ ሆኖ ሰነባብቷል። አለመግባባት በዲያስፓራ አዲስ ክስተት አይደለም። ኢትዮጵያውያን አገር ውስጥ ያጣነውን የሃሳብ መግለፅ ነፃነት በውጪ አገራት ስናገኝ ወደ መግባባት ሳይሆን ወደ አለመግባባት ፤ ወደ ትብብር ሳይሆን ወደ ክፍፍል ፤ ወደ ውጤታማነት ሳይሆን ወደ እንቅፋትነት የምናዘነብል ይመስላል ። ይህ ለምን ይሆናል?

በዛሬው የፎረም 65 ውይይት "አለመግባባት በዲያስፓራ" በሚል ርዕስ ውይይት እናደርጋለን። እንግዳ ተሳታፊያችን አቶ ግርማ ጉተማ ነው። አቶ ግርማ በፌስቡክና በት ዊተር በፓለቲካ ውይይቶች ላይ ሰፊ ተሳትፎ ከሚያደርጉ በውጭ የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን አንዱ ነው።






Apr 20, 2016

Apr 19, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ስለጋምቤላ የሀዘን መግለጫ


በጋምቤላ ክልል በወገኖቻችን ላይ በደረሰው አሰቃቃቂ የጅምላ ግድያ የተሰማንን ጥልቅ ሃዘናችንን እንገልጻለን።

አድማጮቻችን በጋምቤላ በደረሰው የጅምላ ግድያ ላይ የተሰማችሁን ስሜት በስልክ ቁጥራችን 929-367-8665 ደውላችሁ እንድትገልጹ በትህትና እንጋብዛለን።



Apr 18, 2016

Apr 15, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ እውቅና ለአኖሌ ሃውልት? (እንግዳ ተሳታፊ አቶ ገርሱ ቱፋ - ክፍል 3)

በዚህ ውይይት የሚዳሰሱ ነጥቦች፦
  • የሕብር ሃይሎችና የአንድነት ሃይሎች
  • የብሄር ማንነት ግንባታ ሊቀለበስ ይችላልን?
  • ታሪካዊ በደሎችና እውቅና
ውይይት ከአቶ ገረሱ ቱፋ ጋር (አለመግባባትና የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ)
  • ክፍል 1፦ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ መንስኤዎቹ
  • ክፍል 2፦ ንቅናቄው ላይ ያሉ ጥርጣሬዎች
  • ክፍል 3፦ መግባባት፡ ታሪካዊ በደሎችና እውቅና



Apr 11, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ "ኦሮሞፎቢያ" አለን? (እንግዳ ተሳታፊ አቶ ገርሱ ቱፋ - ክፍል 2)


ፎረም 65፦ "ኦሮሞፎቢያ" አለን? (እንግዳ ተሳታፊ አቶ ገርሱ ቱፋ - ክፍል 2) 

ውይይት ከአቶ ገረሱ ቱፋ ጋር (አለመግባባትና የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ)

ክፍል 1፦ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ መንስኤዎቹ
ክፍል 2፦ ንቅናቄው ላይ ያሉ ጥርጣሬዎች
ክፍል 3፦ መግባባት፡ ታሪካዊ በደሎችና እውቅና

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ጥያቄ፡ ወይም፡ አስተያዬት፡ አለዎት? 

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Apr 7, 2016

ጠ/ሚ፦ "...አገራዊ መግባባት አልተፈጠረም"

"የዴሞራሲያዊነት ባህል እንዴት እንደሚዳብር ስር የሰደደ አገራዊ መግባባት አልተፈጠረም።" ጠ/ሚ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ

ምንጭ፦ ኢቢሲ (EBC)

ጠ/ሚ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ከምሁራን ጋር ያደረጉት ውይይት ክፍል 1



Apr 3, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ከአቶ ገረሱ ቱፋ ጋር (አለመግባባትና የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ - ክፍል 1)

ውይይት ከአቶ ገረሱ ቱፋ ጋር (አለመግባባትና የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ - ክፍል 1)

ክፍል 1፦ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄ መንስኤዎቹ
ክፍል 2፦ ንቅናቄው ላይ ያሉ ጥርጣሬዎች
ክፍል 3፦ መግባባት፡ ታሪካዊ በደሎችና እውቅና
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ጥያቄ፡ ወይም፡ አስተያዬት፡ አለዎት?

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Mar 23, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ የወ/ት ሐምራዊት ተስፋ ንግግር (እንግዳ ወ/ት ሐምራዊት)



የወ/ት ሐምራዊት ተስፋ ንግግር። በዛሬው የፎረም 65 ውይይት ላይ ወይዘሪት ሐምራዊት እንግዳ ተሳታፊ ሆና ተገኝታለች። 

ጥያቄ፡ ወይም፡ አስተያዬት፡ አለዎት? 
ከአሜሪካ:- በ 929-FORUM65 (929-367-8665) ያግኙን።

Mar 12, 2016

ፍረም 65፦ የጠ/ሚ "ይቅርታ"

"የፌደራል መንግስትም በሆነው ጉዳይ ላይ የአገራችንን ህዝቦች በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ይቅርታ ይጠይቃል።"
ጠ/ሚ ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ

Mar 10, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ "ለኦሮሚያ ክልል ችግሮች ሥልጡንና ዴሞክራሲያዊ መፍትሔዎች ቅድሚያ ይሰጣቸው!" ሪፓርተር ጋዜጣ


  • የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ንቅናቄን ላይ በሪፖርተር እና በአዲስ አድማስ ጋዜጣ የቀረቡ የመፍትሔ ሃሳቦች ላይ ላይ ያተኮረ ውይይት።
  • ሪፓርተር፦ ለኦሮሚያ ክልል ችግሮች ሥልጡንና ዴሞክራሲያዊ መፍትሔዎች ቅድሚያ ይሰጣቸው!  http://goo.gl/jTIaqe
  • አዲስ አድማ፦ “ግጭቱ ያሳስባል፤ መንግሥት የሰላም ጥሪ ያቅርብ” ተቃዋሚዎች  http://goo.gl/ixms5d



Feb 27, 2016

ፎረም 65፦ ውይይት «የኢትዮጵያ የዕርቅና ርትዓዊ ፍትሕ ምክር ቤት» ምስረታ በሚመለከት

«የኢትዮጵያ የዕርቅና ርትዓዊ ፍትሕ ምክር ቤት» መቋቋምን በሚመለከት ከአቶ ሽመልስ ወርቅነህ ጋር የተደረገ ውይይት።

Discussion on the formation of Ethiopian Reconciliation and Restorative Justice Council (ERRJC).


Feb 22, 2016

Press Release: Ethiopian Council For Reconciliation and the Restorative Justice (ECRRJ)


Representatives of Diverse Ethiopians formed:

ETHIOPIAN COUNCIL FOR RECONCILIATION AND THE RESTORATIVE OF JUSTICE (ECRRJ)

Press Release
February 18, 2016 Washington, DC-

Executive Summary:

On February 14, 2016, the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) announced the formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ) at a public meeting held at the Sheraton Hotel in Silver Springs, Maryland. The Council’s formation was the outcome of a strategic planning retreat held over the course of three days previous to the meeting. Those attending the retreat were representatives of diverse Ethiopians. The ECRRJ is a people-to-people movement for healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice in Ethiopia.

Background:

The need for reconciliation and restorative justice has been an integral part of the mission of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) from the beginning. The SMNE was birthed as an idea, years prior to its official formation in 2008. In fact, the idea resulted from a deepening awareness of the pain and suffering of Ethiopians throughout the country following the genocide of the Anuak in 2003. In a country stuck in cycles of violence and revenge; it became clear that the only hope for sustainable peace and justice was to disengage from that cycle of revenge and hate; and to instead choose forgiveness, reconciliation and the pursuit of justice as a deliberate choice to forge a new path.

As the idea grew; it became evident that freedom and justice would never come to the Anuak alone, until freedom and justice came to all Ethiopians. In a deeply divided country, this meant we had to step out of our tribal boxes to embrace others; putting humanity before ethnicity or any other differences, in order to create a more harmonious society. Finally, in 2008, the SMNE began as an effort to bring together the diverse people of Ethiopia to work towards the goals of bringing truth, freedom, justice, transparency and accountability. It led to efforts to bring reconciliation among divided and disconnected people as well as a sense of cohesion, empathy and social responsibility towards others.

In the last 23 years, when some of our people were afflicted in one place; others often did not seem to care. When we are flicked ourselves; it often goes without notice. When the Anuak were massacred, only the Anuak cried. This disregard for each others’ well being can be seen in case after case, despite the fact that we live among each other or were born in the same country. The truth is; we do not have a history of talking to each other.

The SMNE has worked towards this foundational goal of unity-building in various ways; including efforts to bring diverse people together in public forums, marches, discussions, reaching out to advocate for others outside our own groups, standing up for the rights of others in harms way and other reconciliation efforts over the past years.

In November 15, 2014, the SMNE hosted a number of public forums in Washington DC and in other cities, emphasizing the need to “talk to each other rather than about each other.” The formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ) is a continuation of this effort.

Current crisis leading to strategic planning retreat:
We believe the crisis in Ethiopia has reached a new level of urgency based on the present escalating violence in Ethiopia. In order to formulate ideas and a plan to address these issues, the SMNE organized a retreat and invited diverse Ethiopians, who are invested in seeking a different future, to come together for a 3-day retreat this past week to explore possibilities and then to share them at a public meeting held on February 14, 2016 in Washington DC.

It is easy to focus on the urgent issues — an oppressive government, corruption, killing of the Oromo student protestors, or the impending famine and food insecurity— and conclude it is all about the TPLF/EPRDF. It leads to the notion that removing the TPLF/EPRDF will solve our problems; however, there are many people who believe that without healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice among the people, Ethiopians will be unable to find solutions to the crises of conflict, famine and rising instability in Ethiopia. In fact, without a foundation of healing and reconciliation, our future may end up no better, if not worse, than our present condition.

At the retreat, participants heard the grievances, hardships, wounds and cultural perspectives of others as each told their story. It was intense. People wept, reached out, felt pain and connected to each other. There was serious discussion. There was the sharing of food and laughter. There was a campfire with more stories and discussion. At the end, the healing had begun. New relationships were formed. The understanding of another’s experience and pain was enlightening; broadening the perspective of what Ethiopia could become if people listened to each other. At the end, there was renewed hope that Ethiopia could be a home for all its people; that neighbors did not have to fight each other if they more fully understood that each Ethiopian has a name.

Formation of the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ): 

The final outcome of the retreat was the unanimous decision to form the Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ), believing it is only through healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice that Ethiopians will find a meaningful and more sustainable solution. A summary of the group’s decision, describing its basic purpose and goals are as follows:

Purpose:

To provide a framework for people to forgive, repent, and have an open dialogue in order to create healing, understanding, atonement, peace, and justice among all Ethiopians, domestic and abroad. We are all equal! We accept, include, and acknowledge the grievances, hopes, fears, and experiences of all Ethiopian people, regardless of political affiliation, religious belief, or ethnicity. We will work on a people to people grassroots level, among all ethnic groups including elites, civil society or stakeholders but not with the TPLF/EPRDF government.

Goals:

We have four immediate goals:


  • To officially structure the council with a functional structure within six months.


  • To promote tolerance, trust, equality and justice for all Ethiopians.


  • To reach out to Ethiopian religious, civic and political organizations to enhance ECRRJ’s mission and ideas. We seek to build partnerships with other people and organizations.


  • To use the media to create greater awareness on healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice.


SMNE Public Meeting:

At the beginning of the people to people public forum, the SMNE leaders expressed their cordial thanks to all the participants for their contributions to the retreat and forum. Mr. Dawit Agonafer, Board Member of the SMNE, opened up the public forum; Miss Yerusalem Work, SMNE Director of Operations read an emotional and touching poem entitled: Love of Country; Mr. Tesfa Mekonnen, the Chairman of the SMNE’s DC Metro Chapter welcomed the public; and, Dr. Gregory Stanton, President of Genocide Watch talked about the early warning signs of genocide.

The Ethiopian Council for Reconciliation and the Restorative of Justice (ECRRJ) statement was read in four different languages: Amharic, Oromiffa, Tigrigna and English. The retreat participants shared their diverse experiences as citizens of Ethiopia. Many questions and comments were made, leading to a very lively and at times, intense, discussion. A video of the event will be available to the public in the near future.

Rationale for the Council:

There are many people who believe that reconciliation is key to creating a conducive environment to be able to effectively resolve the problems within our country. As indicated, some of those individuals met the past week to discuss the challenges presented in our very divided country. They came to the conclusion that it will be difficult to find a solution to the crisis of conflict, famine and rising instability in Ethiopia without first resolving the conflicts among ourselves, different ethnic groups and different sectors of society. This calls for a more intense focus on reconciliation, aided by representatives of different groups of our society, to steer such an effort in this direction, preparing for another stage where the restorative of justice and meaningful reforms would be addressed more intensely.

The ECRRJ was formed to act as a diverse, yet consolidated, voice for such a solution. We believe it begins by seeking individual and collective healing for Ethiopians, following years of trauma, suffering, loss and hardship caused by oppression, marginalization, war, corruption, ethnic-based hatred and alienation, discrimination, torture, false imprisonment, human rights abuses and deep-seeded injustice. Such trauma can be experienced as individuals or as members of a collective group. It can be passed on to the next generations, along with the destructive emotions of anger, bitterness, alienation, prejudice and the desire to seek revenge or hold strong prejudices against a collective group of people, even if it is against their descendants.

One of the participants, Mr. Roba Ahmed, an Oromo man, said that anger over injustice had been passed on from his grandfather to his father and from his father to himself and that he refused to pass it on to his children. He said that was the reason he was there. It was time to stop it. He was speaking of the pain, bitterness and resentments of the past that were destroying possibilities for working together as Ethiopians, making cooperation in the present a step of disloyalty towards an ancestor of the past. He wants to end the vicious cycle, enabling the next generation to be freer to live in peace.

Unhealed trauma, wounds and anger have led to a divided, suspicious, abusive and unjust society where there is little trust. One only feels safe within one’s own group, although those groups can also be divided. It is all propelled again and again through cycles of violence and revenge. Under such conditions, genuine unity among the people that would enable Ethiopians to work together towards shared goals, is an illusive dream. The collaboration that everyone is calling for now is to “take down” a mutual “enemy," but even if it worked, it is short-lived and easily subject to hijack.

Consider how yesterday’s or today’s victims will function if given power, without first experiencing healing and reconciliation. The TPLF is an example. They were thrust into a war in the bush as victims of injustice, now becoming like those who afflicted them in the past. A recycling of aggression, victimization and self-interest, without regard for others, is relived now in a new generation.

How can this pattern of dangerous dysfunction be broken without healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice? It should be lead by diverse Ethiopians who can propel this vision forward and act as bridges of reconciliation between the people. As people are reconciled, they are humanized in the eyes of the other. They are also newly connected to each other to form relationship. With relationship comes the social and moral imperative to correct wrongs when and where one can do so. These relationships can involve individuals, families, groups, ethnicities, regions, religions, or among aggrieved citizens of a nation. This effort should address issues of wrongdoing, including individual or recurring incidents of injustice as well as systemic injustice when such wrongs are deeply entrenched into the fabric of society.


Restorative justice is a means to transition out of a violent, divided, and unjust society to something better and more responsive to the rights of all its members. For example, a criminels justice approach looks at what laws were broken, who did what and what they deserve. It serves to punish chief offenders as well as petty offenders in some cases, but it does not assure needed structural changes to institutionalized injustice, especially when previous power holders remain entrenched in the system.

The emphasis of restorative justice looks at who was harmed, what are their needs and who is obligated to address them. Correction of wrongs committed over the past years will include some degree of obligation to fix them and if systemic, it will require systemic changes to our institutions on the local, regional and national levels. It will involve listening, public discussion, an openness to change and effective implementation of changes necessary to restore justice. Restorative justice may bring more sustainable peace, justice and equity than either an over-heavy use of the criminal justice approach or a violent overthrow of the current system because restorative justice seeks to repair a deeply broken system, not just replace the people on top.

The ECRRJ’s goal is to bring diverse voices into strategic and empowered positions to focus on bringing healing, reconciliation and the restorative of justice to Ethiopians as the only way to break this self-destructive cycle of violence, injustice and oppression. Even those who consider themselves victims of this regime can fail to see how to break the cycle and can start to over-identify with the role of victim or even move between the two roles in destructive ways affecting self and others.

Our mission is to provide a means to escape from this cycle by promoting the healing of individuals, communities and our nation. This means an intentional strategy to bring diverse and alienated people together to talk to each other rather than about each other. It also includes bringing factions together to listen to each other so as to better understand the “other” and to better deal with the pain and grievances of these others.

The Council’s position is to seek an environment where healing and reconciliation will equip the people to better focus on the future, becoming part of the solution to restoring justice and bringing about meaningful reforms for the common good. This is why the council was formed. Ignoring these problems and the problems of others within our society can have serious consequences. Once we better understand the pain of others; we will be able to join together to confront the current crises we are facing— the starvation, the lack of political space, the land issues, the lack of opportunity and other issues.

We in the ECRRJ are not interested in artificial or shallow cohesion; it will not last, nor will it give us what we want. The main responsibility right now is on the people to put our act together. If we do, we can confront our many crises or even prevent them, like avoiding ethnic conflict. The voice of healed and reconciled people or groups, can assume greater strength and moral authority. This is what we seek to encourage, direct and empower through the ECRRJ.

As the ECRRJ is launched, we are calling on the people to start this dialogue. When violence occurs, it does so to individuals; so we must become agents of reconciliation and justice, talking to each other in the language of love and respect in a humanizing, not dehumanizing way.

This starts from within the hearts of each of us. Seek a quiet place and listen to one’s conscience as we face this present crisis; it may be during this time we are most ready to hear and to receive instruction, joy, conviction and healing. Reach out to reconcile with those closest to us, even within our families, communities, places of worship and work places. We call on members of the religious community, as well as many others, to join this effort. How can justice for all be restored in a country like Ethiopia without embracing the humanity of others? Let us do our part and seek God’s help to do what seems otherwise impossible!

May God protect Ethiopians from choosing the wrong paths that will inflict harm to self and others and may lead to our mutual destruction.
=========================    ========================
For more information, contact Obang Metho, Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

Feb 21, 2016

(ቪዲዮ) ፎረም 65፦ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ንቅናቄና ብሄራዊ መግባባት

ውይይት፦

1ኛ፡ የኦሮሞ ተቃውሞ ወደ ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ እየተቀየረ ነው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ንቅናቄ ለብሄራዊ መግባባት ምን አይነት እንድምታ አለው? ወዴትስ እየሄደ ነው?

2ኛ፡ አቶ ጌታቸው ረዳ ካሳ መክፍልን አንስቷል። ካሳ መክፈል መፍትሄ እንዴት እናየዋለን።


Feb 7, 2016

Reconciliation is the key to the violence in Gambella - SMNE Press Release

The only way to end escalating ethnic violence in Ethiopia is through genuine reconciliation and the restoration of justice to all. Will the government of Ethiopia help or hinder the process?

Washington, DC - Over the last week, deadly violence between the Nuer and the Anuak of Gambella has broken out, resulting in the senseless loss of lives. It started as an argument between an Anuak and an Nuer, but it triggered ethnic tensions, which have now exploded into revenge killings, destruction and insecurity.

Now, many are suffering as it has caused great distress, pain and sorrow to both the Anuak and the Nuer who have lost loved ones. We give our deepest sympathy for the loss of these precious lives to those families, friends and communities who are grieving their deaths. We also express concern for those who have been wounded and for countless others, both Nuer and Anuak, who are now living under great stress and hardship as they have fled their homes to find safety from the violence and conflict. We condemn all violence and call on all parties involved to immediately stop the killing and destruction so that peace might return to the people of Gambella.

It is critically important to seek lasting solutions before the tensions and violence escálate further; something that will cause more deaths, injuries, loss of livelihoods, greater destruction, the destabilization of the region or even the violence to spread to other parts of the country. We are not seeking the status quo in Gambella, nor in Ethiopia; but instead, the reconciliation and corrective actions necessary to bring about meaningful and sustainable solutions to the pervasive injustice, human rights violations, corruption and lack of freedom throughout the country.

Background:

Many details surrounding the tragic ethnic clashes in Gambella have been fairly well established; however, additional information is emerging daily, if not hourly, as the situation is further clarified and as new reports emerge. Some of these reports may also vary to some degree, pointing to the very real need to corroborate the narratives and to integrate those proving to be reliable. Eventually, a more thorough investigation of the incidents and its root causes will be required.

The first reported incident of violence resulted from a dispute over land between a Nuer man who is the Deputy Dean of the Teachers Training Institute (TTI)— now called Gambella University—and an Anuak man who is the driver for the Deputy (Vice) President of the region, second in command under the Governor of the regional state of Gambella, Gatluak Tut, a Nuer.

Reportedly, the Anuak man, who was the Deputy President’s driver, had legally leased the land a few months ago, with plans to eventually build a home on it. The borders of the land had been demarcated and he held clear title to it; given to him by the government authorities. Recently, the Nuer man from Gambella University, decided he wanted that same land. The Anuak man told him you cannot take the land because he had the legal rights to it. Allegedly, the other man said he would like to see the boundaries of the land so they both agreed to meet there. After showing him the boundaries, the Nuer man told the other man he wanted the land, starting an argument that escalated into anger. The Anuak man told the other to get off the land. The Nuer man pulled out a pistol which he was carrying and shot the Anuak man in the arm. He then got into his car and left. People in the vicinity took the man to the hospital where he recovered. Allegedly, after some pressure, the Nuer man turned himself over to the authorities and was put in jail in Gambella town.

News of the incident quickly spread, including to the college, where Anuak students started to argue about it; asking, how could the Vice President of the college shoot someone for this? As they talked, anger increased, leading to an argument between the Nuer and Anuak college students. It resulted in a physical fight between them. A number of the students were injured, both Anuak and Nuer; however, one of the Nuer students was seriously injured. He was taken to the hospital where he later died.
Several days after the burial of the Nuer student, another incident of vengeance took place at the college.  While students were taking an exam, the brother of the deceased Nuer student entered the classroom and threw a hand grenade at the students, seriously injuring at least four of them. One of them lost his arm, another his eye and the other two were injured by the exploding shrapnel. Others in the classroom had more minor shrapnel injuries.

In retaliation, the Anuak students started throwing rocks at the Nuer students; again triggering more ethnic-based fighting. Fortunately, the local school security quickly contained the violence and the school was shut down. However, later on in the afternoon, this news spread to other Nuer— who were not students, but adults— who responded with more violence. When they heard of what had happened, they organized themselves and attacked two Anuak neighborhoods where they burned down homes and shot at the people as they ran from their homes. Five Anuak were killed; a number of others were wounded. The regional government authorities did not intervene to stop it; despite the fact it could have helped contain the violence that continued to escalate.

This incident begs the question as to why a group of people would organize to destroy the homes of innocent persons and randomly shoot at them, targeting them only for their ethnicity, as they fled their homes? Why did they have guns in a region where the Anuak had been disarmed years ago? 
The news of the Anuak killings and burning of homes swept through the region, causing the Anuak to take revenge against innocent Nuer; who again, had not done anything wrong except for the fact they were Nuer. In this case, three Nuer were killed in a rural area. One of these incidents occurred when a Nuer man, the second in command of the work of the Road Authority was stopped by Anuak who forced him out of the car and killed him. The highlander, who was the driver, was not harmed.

After this incident, the federal government decided to disarm the Nuer and the Anuak security officials, who had been appointed to help the local police force. Most of the local police were also disarmed.  Guards at the Gambella jail were exempted from this. Additionally, despite the disarmament of many, some of the Nuer continued to have access to guns due to the numbers of weapons brought to Ethiopia from South Sudan by those in the refugee camps.  

In an attempt to stop the spiraling violence in Gambella town, the federal government placed restrictions on the movement of the people, ordering that each stay in their own areas, the Nuer on one side and the Anuak on the other. However, on Sunday, January 31, 2016, some Nuer with guns, with the assistance of the guards, stormed Gambella jail, releasing the Nuer Vice Deputy of the College who was being held there and proceeded to kill seven of the Anuak prisoners as well as two highlanders, with help from the guards. Most every Nuer being held in the jail was also released. This is the main jail in the Gambella region.

Where else could such a crime be carried out except in a place where there is no rule of law? Apparently, after they stormed the prison and killed the prisoners, they replaced the Ethiopian flag outside the jail with a Southern Sudanese flag, but some others within their ranks, took it down right away, probably realizing how dangerously provocative it could become. Yet, because it was witnessed by others in the vicinity, the story has spread.

We have heard reports, not yet corroborated, that some innocent Nuer were murdered by Anuak in retaliation for other deaths; however, we do not know the details surrounding these incidents, but are seeking more information. We hope those who know more will provide that information as we must seek to protect the lives of all people, regardless of ethnicity or other differences. This is God’s universal law, which is higher than any other and should help us to seek the truth and to do right— even in the absence of the rule of law.

The federal government finally realized they needed to bring in more national defense forces as the situation was getting increasingly out of control, especially in the rural areas. There is talk that a good number of Nuer are being killed in Anuak areas and of Anuak being killed in Nuer areas.
One incident involved three Anuak who were waiting for the bus in village of Nyniang to go to Gambella town when they were killed by Nuer. Two of them were civilians and the other was a security official who had been disarmed. The Nuer have other incidents to add. It has become obvious that there is a risk to all. In Gambella town, the Anuak cannot safely go to the Nuer area and Nuer cannot go safely to the Anuak area; dividing the town. Tensions are extremely high.
Those perpetrating these crimes should be held accountable, but a large share of the blame is also on the shoulders of the ruling one-party, ethnic-based Government of Ethiopia (GoE). There are a number of reasons for this:

The lack of an effective rule of law or at the least, the failure to intervene earlier, when the conflict first broke out, could have stopped the violence from escalating, saving many lives and preventing the destruction that is now recycling and is at a stage that is much more difficult to contain
The GoE’s policies of fomenting ethnic division as a means to prevent unity among Ethiopians— a unity that could threaten the authoritarian government of the TPLF/EPRDF— has created the seeds of ethnic hostility that can easily erupt under certain conditions; not only in Gambella, but in many other places across the country.

The GoE has failed to disarm the incoming South Sudanese refugees, coming from a war zone across an open border. Refugees can be seen walking freely in the region, carrying heavy-duty weapons like M-16 or AK-47 guns; yet, the GoE has failed to exert controls on this incoming flow of weapons to the region.

The GoE disarmed the Anuak prior to the massacre of Anuak in December of 2003, making them highly vulnerable and dependent on the GoE for protection, which has not been given.

The GoE has failed to give local representation in the regional government to the Anuak. In some cases, the local Nuer have also been excluded from access to the same; instead, some of the refugees have now taken government positions within the regional government. This is the case despite the lack of citizenship and their inability to speak Amharic. Some go to their offices wearing a South Sudanese pin attached to the lapels of their jackets.

The GoE has allowed the UN to use the region to house over 541,437 refugees, exceeding the population of Gambella, but they have never consulted with the people of Gambella regarding the local impact, seeming not to care. Although refugees are not supposed to carry guns; the UN is doing nothing to stop this, becoming part of the problem.

Recommendations:

The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) is prepared to take a role in this effort, strongly believing the problem must be addressed before it worsens. We in the SMNE strongly condemn the killing of all the people, whether Anuak, Nuer, highlanders or others. The SMNE will do our best to draw attention to this volatile and fragile situation in southwestern Ethiopia, utilizing our experience, knowledge and network to help restore peace and calm.

We call on the Nuer and Anuak elders in these communities, their religious leaders and other leaders among them to find a peaceful solution.

We call on the GoE to bring those who committed the crimes to justice and to provide protection from harm to all the people, based on their humanity. We also call on them to improve security by disarming the refugees and establishing checkpoints of entry to better ensure that guns will not flow into the region.

We call on the all the people of Ethiopia to not allow the people of South Sudan to import the conflict of ethnic violence to Ethiopia to the best of their ability. Instead, where there are other issues and grievances, civil discourse to find solutions should be pursued rather than the use of violence. Solutions for land and other conflicts in South Sudan should be justly resolved so that the people of South Sudan can live peacefully together. The Nuer of South Sudan should understand that Gambella is in another sovereign country and the erection of the flag of South Sudan within the boundaries of Ethiopia could be considered a violation of the sovereignty of Ethiopia.

We call on donor countries to use their leverage to exert pressure on the Ethiopian government to: 1) protect their citizens, 2) call for the UN to play a positive role in ensuring the conflict in South Sudan is confronted more effectively among the refugees so the region is not at destabilized with ethnic-based violence, the overflow of guns and the expansion of the problems in South Sudan to Gambella and beyond.

We call on the regional and federal government to act impartially; not representing the interests of one ethnicity, but with equal protection, justice and fairness towards all of the people of the region. The refugees should not be allowed to destabilize the area, even if it requires placing restrictions on their movement outside the camps— at least until peace is restored.

We call on SPLM-IO leader, Riek Machar, to control and contain any of his supporters and soldiers who may have contributed in any way to this ethnic-based conflict so that the deadly conflict of South Sudan does not cross the border into Gambella. The basis of this recommendation is from alleged reports that soldiers responsible for killing Anuak and destroying their homes in Itang, when captured by Ethiopian National Defense forces, allegedly were wearing South Sudanese uniforms, with some claiming allegiance to the SPLM-IO.

We call on the UN and members of the international community to move the refugee camps to a different inland part of Ethiopia that does not border on South Sudan if the UN and GoE fail in their efforts to provide more effective border security and to control the influx of guns. The current open border creates an ongoing risk of violence and instability to the region due to the ease of going back and forth between countries, a situation that allows for the free flow of both guns and conflict if not addressed immediately.

We call on SPLM leader, President Salva Kiir, and SPLM-IO leader, Riek Machar, and those who support them, to genuinely seek the implementation of the peace agreement so peace, justice and reconciliation can come to precious people of South Sudan; and so the fruit of such peace overflows across its borders to contribute to peace and prosperity of all in the Horn of Africa. May others do the same for them.

Conclusions:

What started as a dispute among two people has now exploded into revenge killings due to a failure to see the humanity of others. Instead of holding the perpetrators responsible for the crimes— because there is no rule of law— people have taken the law into their own hands. In the case of Gambella, revenge is being taken against innocent parties— another family member or someone of the same ethnicity. This is a tragedy that causes evil to prosper and mutual destruction. It has caused much blood to be shed, the destruction of homes, and a surge in ethnic-based hostility after years of peace between the people of Gambella.

The people should not forget the good times. During the massacre of the Anuak in 2003; many Nuer gave safe refuge to Anuak in their homes. Religious leaders have been involved in the past years in efforts to bring reconciliation and peace among the people. Nuer and Anuak have intermarried, worked together, developed friendships and lived in peace. The future could be wonderfully promising together, but it will be lost if people give in to evil, hate and retaliation.

If there are some wanting to use ethnicity to divide the people for their own agenda; others should not give in to it. The Anuak and the Nuer should work together to bring genuine reconciliation among them and others in the region so healing can take place and they can once again live in harmony, thriving together.

This is now an opportunity for the regional and federal Government of Ethiopia to do their job to stop the violence, to deal with issues of insecurity and the heavy influx of guns, to protect the people and to bring the perpetrators to justice. Initially, federal security forces simply looked on without intervening; allowing this violence to be committed and to spread by lack of intervention; however, without more effective governance, the violence could spread beyond the region.

A meaningful implementation of the peace agreement in South Sudan could resolve much of this crisis.  The vast majority of the refugees living in the camps simply want a peaceful life where there is safety, security, peace, justice and equal rights, just like what is wanted in Ethiopia. Let us work together for lasting peace.

May God help those recovering, those who are grieving for lost loved ones and for the softening of the hearts of those who carry anger, wounds and the desire for revenge.

Let God raise up leaders who can bring peace, justice, reconciliation and prosperity to Gambella, Ethiopia and beyond.

Let us put humanity before ethnicity or any other distinctions.
Let us care for the wellbeing and justice of others as we care for our own or for our own groups.
Let us share freedom with others for no one is free until all are free.
May God work through our souls to heal the pain that we have been going through until we are free indeed!

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For more information, contact Mr. Obang Metho, Executive Director of the SMNE. Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org

ተልዕኳችን | Our Mission

“65 ፐርሰንት” ትርጉም? የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ 65 በመቶው እድሜያቸው ከ24 አመት በታች ነው። ተልዕኳችን ለመጪው ትውልድ የመግባባትን ፓለቲካ በአርአያነት ማውረስ ነው። ግባችን ለፓለቲካዊ እርቅና መግባባት መሟገትና ፋና ወጊ መሆን ነው።

What is “65 percent”? 65% of Ethiopia’s population is under 24 years old. Our mission is to model a culture of political concensus for the 65%. Our goal is to advocate for, and initiate reconciliation and consensus among Ethiopians.

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